Uneven Borders, Coloured (Im)mobilities: ID Cards in Palestine/Israel

Political geographical perspectives on settler colonialism

“…These discussions have begun to interrogate how Foucault's conception of biopolitics is responsible for “whitewashing” the coloniality and raciality of modern violence and power (Howell & Richter‐Montpetit, ). Geographical work on biopolitics remains focused on overt physical forms of violence, confinement, bordering and erasure (Plonski, ; Schofield, ; Smith & Isleem, ) as well as the political technologies they rely on like security and surveillance practices (Bastos, ; Machold, ; Shalhoub‐Kevorkian, ; Zureik, Lyon, & Abu‐Laban, ), risk and supply chain management (Pasternak & Dafnos, ) and juridical innovations (Gordon & Ram, ; Hunt, ; Pasternak, , ; Tawil‐Souri, ). Here studies focus centrally on theorizing the connections between race, white supremacy, and settler colonialism (Bonds & Inwood, ; Clarno, ; Eastwood, ; Inwood & Bonds, ; Mott, , ; Tatour, ).…”

“…Engagements with settler colonial theory in planning debates, for instance, not only locate the roles of discipline and practice of planning in dispossessing indigenous peoples; they also seek to reclaim indigenous histories and open up space for addressing how indigenous peoples seek to remake place and build alternative futures (Jackson, Porter, & Johnson, ; Rutland, ). Geographers' close attention to the actual workings of settler colonial biopolitics, moreover, usefully draws attention to the limits and fragilities of settler colonial formations (e.g., Bhungalia, , p. 329; Smiles, , p. 141) and challenges their supposedly “high‐tech” or even novel character (Machold, ; Tawil‐Souri, ).…”

Negotiating Colonial Violence: Spaces of Precarisation in Palestine

“…Although much has been written about the colonial aims and “creeping urban apartheid” of the Israeli planning system (Yiftachel ), and the complex entanglement of racist goals to rational‐comprehensive and neoliberal planning in East Jerusalem (Abdo ; Braier ; Wari ), Al‐Walaja offers one of the sites for looking at the devastating consequences these plans, particularly the “Jerusalem 2000 plan”, have had for the surrounding West Bank communities. Despite being forcefully annexed to Jerusalem, residents of the Jerusalem part of Al‐Walaja (the Ain Jawaizeh neighbourhood) have not been offered Israeli citizenship or Jerusalem IDs (a residency permit with limited rights issued to Palestinians in East Jerusalem; see Tawil‐Souri ). Although several legal efforts to recognise and improve the status of Al‐Walajees residing in Ain Jawaizeh have been made in Israeli courts, most of the residents are still considered to dwell in their homes illegally, and have thus been targeted with home demolition orders, harassments and administrative fines.…”

“… Since the Oslo Agreements, East Jerusalemites have been increasingly targeted with deportations implemented through the “center of life” policy. The policy ties the renewal of residency rights (“Jerusalem ID”) to the arbitrary requirement that Palestinians need to meet in order to prove their centre of life is in Jerusalem, thus creating stateless persons that exist, not outside the law, but within Israel's citizenship legislation (see Jefferies ; Tawil‐Souri ). …”

Narrativas de identidades no conflito israelo-palestino: experiências de palestinidade em Joe Sacco

“…Entre 1952 e 1967, os únicos palestinos com carteiras de identidades eram os moradores dentro de Israel que viviam sob controle militar até 1967. Hoje, estes possuem carteiras azuis como os israelenses, embora existam detalhes diferenciadores entre os tipos de azuis (Tawil-Souri, 2012 Desde os Acordos de Oslo, por outro lado, a responsabilidade em emitir os documentos de identidade fica a cargo da Autoridade Palestina, mas todos dependem da anuência israelense, por meio de uma burocracia complexa, obscura e arbitrária. Outras formas de atribuições são pensadas acerca dessa política de diferenciação, mas, de qualquer forma, como tão bem aponta Helga Tawil-Souri,…”