Ursachen und Gegenmaβnahmen

Stöss, Richard

doi:10.1007/978-3-322-94164-0_5

Cited by 2 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…It is hard to gauge the impact of the CDU’s strategizing in the NPD’s demise, especially because in the end the CDU came to adopt a rather hands-off approach, neither accommodating nor explicitly fighting the NPD. Scholars attribute the demise of the NPD to processes that lie beyond the scope of this paper: For instance, they point to the economic recovery in the late 1960s that appeased grievance voters, the violent clashes around NPD conventions that brought the party into discredit (Bergsdorf 2007: 37), and the CDU’s conservative turn after the elections in 1969, through which they could (re)gain voters from the NPD (Kreutzberger 1983: 22; Stöss 1989: 141) 7…”

Section: The Cdu’s Reaction To the Npd: Preventing The (Re)naissance ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While during the 1970s, no far-right wing party had considerable electoral success, the 1980s brought the ascendancy of a new right-wing party (Stöss 1989). In November 1983, the REP was founded in Munich by two MPs of the Christian Social Union (CSU), the Bavarian sister party of the CDU.…”

Section: The Cdu’s Reaction To the Rep: A Question Of Self-positioningmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In relation to the rise of the REP, specifically, scholars worried that increased precarization had increased the appeal of right-wing extremism among workers who had formerly voted for the political Left (Kreutzberger 1983: 42). Indeed, studies at the time showed that while approximately 60 percent of REP voters were former supporters of the CDU, at least 20 percent had formerly voted for the SPD (Stöss 1989: 220).…”

Section: Defusion and Demarcationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Electoral Strategy or Historical Legacy? The CDU’s Reactions to Far-Right Parties in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1964–1990

Berg

2022

Soc. sci. hist.

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This article investigates how established political parties react to the emergence of a far-right party. Prevailing approaches explain established parties’ reactions either as based on a spatial model of politics or as determined by historical trajectory and political culture. Neither approach sufficiently accounts for how party leaders choose between these competing motives for actions or how their strategizing might evolve over time. To complement existing approaches, I suggest understanding the emergence of far-right parties as a problem of interpretation. How parties react to far-right emergence depends on what kinds of heuristics they draw on to make sense of the phenomenon of far-right voting. To validate my approach, I study different stances Germany’s center-right Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (CDU) has taken toward two far-right parties in postwar West German history: the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD), from 1964 to 1969, and the Die Republikaner (REP) from 1983 to 1990. Using archival material documenting internal deliberation, I argue that the social sciences have played a crucial role for how CDU leaders have evolved in their interpretation of far-right emergence. In the 1960s, party leaders drew from external social expertise on the far-right to discount the idea that the NPD was a resurgence of Nazism. In the 1980s, they were concerned with a reform project of their own party, leading them to grasp the REP through heuristics provided by scholarship on electoral strategizing. This resulted in a shift in strategies of repression against the NPD to strategies of demarcation versus co-optation against the REP.

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Section: The Cdu’s Reaction To the Npd: Preventing The (Re)naissance ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Cdu’s Reaction To the Rep: A Question Of Self-positioningmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Defusion and Demarcationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Electoral Strategy or Historical Legacy? The CDU’s Reactions to Far-Right Parties in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1964–1990

Berg

2022

Soc. sci. hist.

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“…Wichtig ist allerdings nicht allein die objektiv gegebene, deprivierte Lage, sondern ihre subjektive Verarbeitung, insbesondere der Vergleich mit anderen Bezugsgruppen (Skenderovic 2003: 195-196). Bei ökonomischen Erscheinungen gelten Phänomene "absoluter" sowie "relativer" Deprivation als wichtige Ursachen für politische Unzufriedenheit (Stöss 1989). Krisenbetroffenheiten und pessimistische Zukunftserwartungen lassen Gefühle der Benachteiligung und Ausgrenzung entstehen, wecken Vorurteile gegen Fremde und Schwache und leisten der Suche nach autoritären Konzepten Vorschub.…”

Section: Soziale Klasse Und Rechtsextremismusunclassified

Ursachen des Rechtsextremismus. Eine Programmatik für die sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung in der Schweiz

D’Amato¹

2003

Swiss Political Sci Review

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ZusammenfassungDas vorliegende Essay möchte auf eine zukünftige Forschungsprogrammatik hinweisen, die der Erforschung des militanten, gewalttätigen Rechtsextremismus als auch der Zivilisierung und Demokratisierung der Gesellschaft dienen könnte. Ausgehend von einem eingegrenzten Rechtsextremismusbegriff wird auf verschiedene sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungsstränge aufmerksam gemacht, die sich in der deutschen und angloamerikanischen Sozialforschung mit der Untersuchung dieser politischen Strömung beschäf-tigen. Hierbei sollen jene Fragestellungen besonders unterstrichen werden, die einen gesellschaftsrelevanten Beitrag zum Verständnis und zur Lösung dieses Phänomens zu leisten vermögen.

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Ursachen und Gegenmaβnahmen

Cited by 2 publications

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Electoral Strategy or Historical Legacy? The CDU’s Reactions to Far-Right Parties in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1964–1990

Electoral Strategy or Historical Legacy? The CDU’s Reactions to Far-Right Parties in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1964–1990

Ursachen des Rechtsextremismus. Eine Programmatik für die sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung in der Schweiz

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