We Got a Taste for Protest! Leadership Transition and Political Opportunities for Protest in Angola's Resilient Authoritarian Regime

Almeida, Claudia Generoso de; Sá, Ana Lúcia; Faria, Paulo C. J.

doi:10.4324/9781003177371-8

Cited by 4 publications

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“…Despite facing harsher regimes, protesters have found resources and opportunities to engage in collective action. Almeida, Sá and Faria (2022) show that political transfers at the executive level can be a relevant opportunity for collective action in authoritarian post-conflict countries. The new President elected in 2017 has experienced far more protest than its predecessor due to its more open and seemingly democratic rhetoric, but also because he largely failed on his reformist agenda.…”

Section: Political Opportunity Structures and Protest In Authoritaria...mentioning

confidence: 95%

“…In this case, activists manipulate such threats as an opportunity to mobilise the mass through discrediting the decadence and heinous nature of the government. A threat-induced collective action will follow in such contexts (Almeida et al, 2022). According to Tilly (1978, pp.…”

Section: Political Opportunity Structures and Protest In Authoritaria...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As other authoritarian regimes discussed in the book citizens of Angola (Almeida, Sá and Faria, 2022), Uganda , Ethiopia (Dias and Yetena, 2022), or Congo , pay a high cost for engaging in protest. However, this case shows that there is an enduring tradition of protest, and that a vibrant and strong organised civil society is pressuring for change.…”

Section: Anatomies Of Protest and The Trajectories Of The Actors At Playmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Popular Protest, Political Opportunities, and Change in Africa

Sanches¹

2022

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This book offers a fresh analysis of third wave popular protests in Africa, shedding light on the complex dynamics between political change and continuity in contemporary Africa.The book argues that protests are simultaneously products and generators of change in that they are triggered by micro-and-macrosocial changes, but they also have the capacity to transform the nature of politics. By examining the triggers, actors, political opportunities, resources, and framing strategies, the contributors shed light onto tangible (e.g. policy implementation, liberal reforms, political alternation) and intangible (e.g. perceptions, imagination, awareness) forms of change elicited by protests. It reveals the relevant role of African protests as engines of democracy, accountability, and collective knowledge.Bringing popular protests in authoritarian and democratic settings into discussion, this book will be of interest to scholars of African politics, democracy, and protest movements.

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Section: Political Opportunity Structures and Protest In Authoritaria...mentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: Political Opportunity Structures and Protest In Authoritaria...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Anatomies Of Protest and The Trajectories Of The Actors At Playmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Popular Protest, Political Opportunities, and Change in Africa

Sanches¹

2022

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“…Hence, we might expect that protesters and non-protesters consumed different media. Lastly, whilst these may not be the articulated protest grievances or claims per se, social science research on mass protest – but also on mass protest in competitive authoritarian and democratizing contexts – has repeatedly found that protesters also distinguish themselves from non-protesters in their preference or support for other at least initially seemingly unrelated (or not immediately seen as connected to the protest triggers) political dispositions and policy aims that do in fact, align with the democratic values and dispositions (de Almeida, Sá, and Faria 2022; Ash 2022; Li 2021; Onuch 2014b; Onuch and Sasse 2016b, 2022a, 2022b; Schumaker 1975; Winters and Weitz-Shapiro 2014). Thus, taking on board these empirically tested theories – confirmed not only in (competitive) authoritarian and democratizing contexts internationally but also specifically in cases like Ukraine, Georgia, Russia, and Kyrgyzstan – we have some clear expectations about the potential portrait of the median protester in Belarus’ mass mobilization in 2020.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Flowers, Tractors, & Telegram: Who are the Protesters in Belarus?: A Survey Based Assessment of Anti-Lukashenka Protest Participants

Onuch

Sasse

Michiels

2023

Nationalities Papers

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Who are the people who, in the face of extreme repression, unexpectedly take to the streets en masse in an authoritarian state? This article aims to answer this question with reference to the case of the Belarusian anti-Lukashenka mass mobilization of 2020. It employs unique data from an original online protest survey among citizens of Belarus who were 18 or older and residing in the country at the time of the protests (Onuch et. al.; MOBILISE 2020 & 2021; n = 17,174), fielded August 18, 2020–January 29, 2021.2 This survey was designed to: (a) capture as many protesters as possible; and (b) capture a large enough sample of non-protesters as a comparative reference group enabling us to better understand how different anti-Lukashenka protesters (n = 11,719) were from non-protesters (n = 5,455). Guided by theoretical and empirical expectations of contentious politics scholarship, we first provide descriptive statistics about the socio-demographic characteristics of the protesters, self-reported protest grievances and claims, and median protester preferences on a range of attitudes and policies. This portrait of the protesters is followed up by regression analysis to test whether these patterns hold at a statistically significant level when comparing protesters and non-protesters.

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Patterns of Protest in Contemporary Africa: An Empirical Investigation of Regional Trends Employing Multiple Imputation

Schmiedl,

Lioy

2024

Political Studies Review

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What kind of people choose to join protests in contemporary Africa? Aiming to reduce the existing uncertainty related to the impact of different factors on protest participation, this article tests several hypotheses about participation in Third Wave demonstrations across the African continent, related to democratic values, socioeconomic status, and corruption perceptions. To do so, it deploys an innovative regression model that corrects for missing value bias through multiple imputation and that separates the broad survey data into regional subsamples, dependent upon historical patterns of neopatrimonialism and democratization. Its results show for the first time the existence of different profiles of protester associated with North, West, East, Central, and Southern Africa. Its most surprising result is that across the board, responders open to considering alternatives to democracy were more prone to protesting, while corruption perceptions mattered only in Western African countries. The largest contrast then regards the urban–rural divide: city dwellers lead the way in Southern Africa, while the countryside takes the helm in the Western part of the continent. Finally, people who declare to have voted and those who have more frequent political conversations also fit the profile of the average protester.

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We Got a Taste for Protest! Leadership Transition and Political Opportunities for Protest in Angola's Resilient Authoritarian Regime

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

Popular Protest, Political Opportunities, and Change in Africa

Popular Protest, Political Opportunities, and Change in Africa

Flowers, Tractors, & Telegram: Who are the Protesters in Belarus?: A Survey Based Assessment of Anti-Lukashenka Protest Participants

Patterns of Protest in Contemporary Africa: An Empirical Investigation of Regional Trends Employing Multiple Imputation

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