When convenience is inconvenient: ‘healthy’ family foodways and the persistent intersectionalities of gender and class

“Sometimes I feel like I’m counting crackers”: The household foodwork of low-income mothers, and how community food initiatives can support them

“…In fact, despite a general reduction in home-cooked meals (DeVault, 1991;Julier, 2006), an increase in men's involvement in household food labour (Milan, Keown, & Robles, 2011;Szabo, 2012), and a post-feminist discourse contending that gender inequality has largely been resolved (Cairns & Johnston, 2015), a gendered disparity in household food labour still persists (Allen & Sachs, 2007;Beagan, Chapman, D'Sylva, & Bassett, 2008;DeVault, 1991;Parsons, 2016;Statistics Canada, 2009;Szabo, 2011) and is immersed in class relations (Allen & Sachs, 2007;DeVault, 1991;LeBesco, 2001;Parsons, 2016).…”

“…In fact, Cairns and Johnston (2015) argue that mothers' foodwork is propelled by the pursuit of positive emotions, such as pride, but also the avoidance of negative ones, such as guilt. Their emotional work of demonstrating love and devotion through food is, in effect, required by today's dominant standards of maternal foodwork (DeVault, 1991;Cairns & Johnston, 2015;Parsons, 2016).…”

“…She provides healthy food, socializes her children to make appropriate and healthy food choices, and protects her children from risk in the food system. Parsons (2016) likewise sees the good mother as prioritizing health and time expenditure (e.g., cooking from scratch) in food practices. Similarly, Ristovski-Slijepcevic et al (2010) see the good mother as pressured to safeguard her children's health through the adoption of dietary guidelines that represent a narrow cultural interpretation of healthy eating.…”

“…Similarly, Ristovski-Slijepcevic et al (2010) see the good mother as pressured to safeguard her children's health through the adoption of dietary guidelines that represent a narrow cultural interpretation of healthy eating. Dominant foodwork standards of motherhood reflect a middle-class orientation that furthers their unattainability for mothers living on low incomes (Cairns & Johnston, 2015;Parsons, 2016). And yet, despite the high foodwork standards to which all women who parent are held (Parsons, 2016), both gender and parenting status seem to contribute to mothers' risks of poverty 4 and food insecurity, 5 effectively hampering their foodwork, their market engagement, and their independence.…”

“…Dominant foodwork standards of motherhood reflect a middle-class orientation that furthers their unattainability for mothers living on low incomes (Cairns & Johnston, 2015;Parsons, 2016). And yet, despite the high foodwork standards to which all women who parent are held (Parsons, 2016), both gender and parenting status seem to contribute to mothers' risks of poverty 4 and food insecurity, 5 effectively hampering their foodwork, their market engagement, and their independence. Household foodwork remains a gendered and maternalized activity requiring significant emotional and time expenditures.…”