With or without articles? A comparison of article-like determiners in Estonian and Finnish

Hint, Helen; Nahkola, Tiina; Pajusalu, Renate

doi:10.5128/lv27.02

Cited by 5 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…While see has multiple functions in endophoric reference, too is used only in limited situations. For example, Hint et al (2017) have shown that the demonstrative pronoun too is almost never used as a determiner in experimentally elicited narratives whereas see is used frequently to differentiate between two highly accessible animate referents. In addition, see has multiple functions in interactions, such as marking hesitation (Keevallik 2010) and serves as a tool for emphasis (Sahkai 2003).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Demonstratives as spatial deictics or something more? Evidence from Common Estonian and Võro

et al. 2020

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There is debate regarding the extent to which egocentric distance versus a more interactional approach underpin the use of spatial demonstratives across languages. This study experimentally tested the influence of object distance from a speaker and two dynamic speech-situation related parameters – position of an interlocutor, and the one who placed the object referred to – on adnominal demonstrative pronoun choice in two very close kindred languages: Estonian and Võro. These languages are spoken in the same geographical region and are closely related yet have different demonstrative systems. Our results confirmed the influence of egocentric distance on the choice of adnominal demonstrative pronouns in both languages, but the influence of two more interactional factors was found only in Võro. These results highlight the importance of egocentric distance underlying the use of demonstratives in a spatial context but also show that languages that are even closely related vary in the extent to which additional parameters affect dedmonstrative choice.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…See can function also as a definite determiner (Pajusalu 1997b) and a hesitation marker (Keevallik 2010). Too, however, is almost never used as a definite determiner in Standard Estonian (Hint et al 2017) and it is mostly used to refer to past time and secondary characters in literary narratives (Pajusalu 2006).…”

Section: Estonian Demonstrative Pronoun Systemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Demonstratives as spatial deictics or something more? Evidence from Common Estonian and Võro

et al. 2020

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“…Rather, different referential devices can be sensitive to different factors (Kaiser & Trueswell 2008). Furthermore, the importance of particular factors on particular devices diverges across languages (Kaiser 2013;Hint, Nahkola & Pajusalu 2017, 2020Reile et al 2019).…”

Section: Multifactorial Approach To Referencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the context of referential choice, however, we deem the term 'zero reference' more transparent. While there is a growing body of research explaining the system of Estonian referential devices (e.g., Paju salu, 2005Paju salu, , 2009Hint, Nahkola & Pajusalu 2017, 2020Reile et al, 2019), the distinction between zero reference and the overt pronoun in Estonian is not fully understood yet.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Third-person overt pronoun and zero reference in Estonian. Insights from two experiments

Hint,

Reile,

Kaiser

2023

ESUKA-JEFUL

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This study reports two experiments that investigate the variation between two Estonian third-person referential devices – zero reference vs. the overt pronoun ta. First, in a speech-restoration paradigm (Experiment 1), we test whether the structure of a reference chain affects referential choice. Second, drawing on Experiment 1, we designed an acceptability judgement task (Experiment 2) to explore a possible systematic variation between zero reference vs. overt pronoun in different sentential configurations (two separated sentences vs. one coordinated sentence). Our findings suggest that sentential configuration affects referential choice. Thus, our study accords with earlier observations that salience-only accounts cannot fully explain referential choice. Furthermore, this study supports the form-specific account of reference, by showing that zero reference is more sensitive to sentential configuration than the overt pronoun. We suggest that along with microstructure and the local coherence effects on referential devices, it is necessary to consider macrostructure and the effect of discourse segmenting on referential devices. Kokkuvõte. Helen Hint, Maria Reile, Elsi Kaiser: Kolmanda isiku eksplitsiitne pronoomen ja nullviitamine eesti keeles. Tähelepanekuid kahe katse tulemustest. Artiklis analüüsime eesti keele kolmanda isiku nullviitamise ja eksplitsiitse personaalpronoomeni ta vaheldumist ja referentsiaalseid omadusi. Viisime läbi kaks katset. Esimeses katses uurisime, kas valikut nullviitamise ja ta vahel mõjutab viiteahela struktuur ehk see, millised on olnud eelnevad samale referendile osutavad viitevahendid. Teises katses testisime, kas viitevahendi vastuvõetavuse hinnangut mõjutab lausete omavahelise ühendamise viis (kas kasutatakse kaht iseseisvat lauset või üht kahe rindliikmega lauset). Katsete tulemused näitavad, et viiteahela struktuur nullviitamise ja eksplitsiitse pronoomeni valikut üksinda ei mõjuta, vaid on seotud lausungite ühendamisega. Viimane on aga oluline tunnus eraldiseisvana: nullviitamine on tavalisem siis, kui kasutatakse üht rinnastusseoses olevate liikmetega lauset, ta esineb pigem siis, kui kaks (liht)lauset on omavahel punktiga eraldatud. Teisalt mõjutab lausete ühendamise viis eelkõige nullviitamist, samas kui ta kasutus ei näita selle tunnuse suhtes olulisi erinevusi. Siinne uurimus osutab selgelt, et viitevahendite kasutuses peegeldub diskursuse töötluse mitmetahulisus. Lisaks kohesioonisuhetele mõjutab viitevahendi valikut diskursuse üldisem ülesehitus. Seega on siinse uurimuse tulemused kooskõlas mitmefaktorilise ja vormispetsiifilise lähenemisega viitamisele.

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“…Siinses artiklis keskendume definiitsetele määrat lejatele, st sellistele, mis viitavad NP koosseisus diskursuses juba tuntud, teada olevatele referentidele 1 . Seejuures eeldame varasematele uurimustele tuginedes (Pajusalu 1997, 2017b, Hint, Reile & Pajusalu 2013, Taremaa 2017, Hint, Nahkola & Pajusalu 2017, Reile jt 2019, et määratlejana toimivad eesti keeles nii demonstratiivpronoomenid kui ka -adverbid.…”

Section: Sissejuhatusunclassified

Demonstratiivpronoomenid ja -adverbid määratlejatena. Miks me oleme siin ilmas, selles olukorras?

et al. 2021

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Kokkuvõte. Artiklis analüüsime eesti keele demonstratiivide referentsiaalseid omadusi sellistes konstruktsioonides, kus demonstratiivid kuuluvad definiitse määratlejana nimisõnafraasi koosseisu. Otsime vastust küsimusele, mille poolest erinevad demonstratiivadverb (nt siin, seal) ning demonstratiivpronoomen (see, too), kui need esinevad määratlejana koos kohakäändes nimisõnafraasiga (vrd siin koolis ja selles koolis). Oleme püstitanud hüpoteesi, et demonstratiivadverbid seostuvad ruumitähendust väljendavate substantiividega, demonstratiivpronoomenid esinevad aga nende substantiividega, mille referent on mitteruumiline. Uurimuse andmestik pärineb 2017. aasta eesti keele ühendkorpusest, kust oleme võtnud 100 lauset iga demonstratiivi kohta igas kohakäändes, seega kokku 2400 lauset. Materjali analüüsime kvantitatiivselt (tingimuslike otsustuspuude ja juhumetsadega) ning kvalitatiivselt. Uurimuse tulemused kinnitavad, et substantiivi semantilised omadused, täpsemalt substantiivi semantiline klass ning konkreetsus, on seotud määratleja valikuga. Kohatähenduses substantiividega esineb määratlejana sagedamini demonstratiivadverb, mittekoha tähenduses substantiivide määratlejana kasutatakse aga demonstratiivpronoomenit. Mittekohta tähistavate substantiivide korral mõjutab määratleja valikut omakorda sõna konkreetsus. Seega on võimalik demonstratiivseid määratlejaid eesti keeles kasutada referenti looval viisil. Abstract. Helen Hint, Piia Taremaa, Maria Reile, Renate Pajusalu: Demonstrative pronouns and demonstrative adverbs as determiners in Estonian: why are we in “here world” in “this situation”? We investigate the variation of definite determiner constructions in Estonian: noun phrases with a demonstrative pronoun (see ‘this’, too ‘that’) or demonstrative adverb (siin ‘here’, seal ‘there’) as a determiner are contrasted. The question is what differentiates the use of a demonstrative pronoun and a demonstrative adverb if used in a determiner position in an NP. The data from Estonian National Corpus 2017 were tagged for semantic class of a noun, noun concreteness, and verb type. We collected 100 clauses for each sub-construction (six spatial cases crossed with four determiner forms), 2400 clauses in total. For statistical analysis, we used conditional random forests and inference trees. We show that nouns expressing spatial meaning prefer demonstrative adverbs as determiners, while non-spatial nouns combine with demonstrative pronouns. Spatiality-wise polysemous nouns exhibit more varied preferences. Adverbial determiners are more probably used with concrete nouns, and abstract nouns co-occur with pronominals. Overall, the frequency of demonstrative adverbs as NP attributes confirms that demonstrative adverbs are productive determiners in Estonian.

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With or without articles? A comparison of article-like determiners in Estonian and Finnish

Cited by 5 publications

References 23 publications

Demonstratives as spatial deictics or something more? Evidence from Common Estonian and Võro

Demonstratives as spatial deictics or something more? Evidence from Common Estonian and Võro

Third-person overt pronoun and zero reference in Estonian. Insights from two experiments

Demonstratiivpronoomenid ja -adverbid määratlejatena. Miks me oleme siin ilmas, selles olukorras?

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