increasing their access to key resources, such as food or mates.1-5 Alternatively, it has 5 been argued to be a non-adaptive result of human impacts, such as habitat destruction 6 or provisioning of food. [6][7][8][9] To discriminate between these hypotheses we compiled long-7 term information from 18 chimpanzee communities and 4 bonobo communities. Our 8 data include 152 killings (N=58 observed, 41 inferred, and 53 suspected killings) by 9 chimpanzees in 15 communities and one suspected killing by bonobos. We found that 10 males had the greatest involvement as attackers (92% of participants) and victims 11 (73%); most killings (66%) involved intercommunity attacks; and attackers greatly 12 outnumbered their victims (median 8:1 ratio). Variation in rates of killing among 13communities depended on demographic variables but was unrelated to measures of 14 human impacts. These results from all major study populations over the last five 15 decades are consistent with previously proposed adaptive explanations for killing by 16 chimpanzees but not with the human impact hypothesis. 17 18Conspecific killing has been documented at multiple chimpanzee study sites, 2-5,10-12 but rates 19 vary greatly among sites. The human impact hypothesis and the adaptive strategies 20 hypothesis yield contrasting predictions, which we test here (Tables 1, 2). The human impact 21 hypothesis states that killing occurs mainly as an incidental outcome of aggression, 22 exacerbated by human activities such as providing a concentrated food resource, 23 deforestation-induced crowding, anthropogenic diseases or hunting. Accordingly, lethal 24 aggression should be high where human disturbance is high. In contrast, the adaptive strategies hypothesis views aggression as an evolved strategic 27 response by which aggressors tend to increase their fitness through increased access to 28 territory, food, mates or other benefits. [1][2][3][4][5][10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17] 45Intracommunity infanticide by females may result from intense competition among females 46 for the best feeding areas.17 Population differences in rates of killing are accordingly 47 expected to result from socioecological factors such as differences in grouping patterns 2,11 48 and/or demography.14 Lethal aggression thus occurs within a diverse set of circumstances, 49 but is expected to be most commonly committed by males; directed towards males; directed 50 6 towards non-kin, particularly members of other groups; and committed when overwhelming 51 numerical superiority reduces the costs of killing. 52 53Previous studies have developed and tested these specific hypotheses 2,5,[11][12][13][14][15][16][17] ; the present study 54 represents the first effort to test multiple hypotheses simultaneously with a comprehensive 55 dataset. To do so, we assembled data from 18 chimpanzee communities from both eastern 56 (N=12) and western (N=6) clades 24 of chimpanzees studied over 426 years (median = 21 57 years; range: 4-53) and from 4 bonobo communities studied for 92 years (media...

Chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) are the most proficient and versatile users of tools in the wild. How such skills become integrated into the behavioural repertoire of wild chimpanzee communities is investigated here by drawing together evidence from three complementary approaches in a group of oil-palm nut- ( Elaeis guineensis) cracking chimpanzees at Bossou, Guinea. First, extensive surveys of communities adjacent to Bossou have shown that population-specific details of tool use, such as the selection of species of nuts as targets for cracking, cannot be explained purely on the basis of ecological differences. Second, a 16-year longitudinal record tracing the development of nut-cracking in individual chimpanzees has highlighted the importance of a critical period for learning (3-5 years of age), while the similar learning contexts experienced by siblings have been found to result in near-perfect (13 out of 14 dyads) inter-sibling correspondence in laterality. Third, novel data from field experiments involving the introduction of unfamiliar species of nuts to the Bossou group illuminates key aspects of both cultural innovation and transmission. We show that responses of individuals toward the novel items differ markedly with age, with juveniles being the most likely to explore. Furthermore, subjects are highly specific in their selection of conspecifics as models for observation, attending to the nut-cracking activities of individuals in the same age group or older, but not younger than themselves. Together with the phenomenon of inter-community migration, these results demonstrate a mechanism for the emergence of culture in wild chimpanzees.

We tested whether the cultural background of raters influenced ratings of chimpanzee personality. Our study involved comparing personality and subjective well-being ratings of 146 chimpanzees in Japan that were housed in zoos, research institutes, and a retirement sanctuary to ratings of chimpanzees in US and Australian zoos. Personality ratings were made on a translated and expanded version of a questionnaire used to rate chimpanzees in the US and Australia. Subjective well-being ratings were made on a translated version of a questionnaire used to rate chimpanzees in the US and Australia. The mean interrater reliabilities of the 43 original adjectives did not markedly differ between the present sample and the original sample of 100 zoo chimpanzees in the US. Interrater reliabilities of these samples were highly correlated, suggesting that their rank order was preserved. Comparison of the factor structures for the Japanese sample and for the original sample of chimpanzees in US zoos indicated that the overall structure was replicated and that the Dominance, Extraversion, Conscientiousness, and Agreeableness domains clearly generalized. Consistent with earlier studies, older chimpanzees had higher Dominance and lower Extraversion and Openness scores. Correlations between the six domain scores and subjective well-being were comparable to those for chimpanzees housed in the US and Australia. These findings suggest that chimpanzee personality ratings are not affected by the culture of the raters.

Human menopause is remarkable in that reproductive senescence is markedly accelerated relative to somatic aging, leaving an extended postreproductive period for a large proportion of women. Functional explanations for this are debated, in part because comparative data from closely related species are inadequate. Existing studies of chimpanzees are based on very small samples and have not provided clear conclusions about the reproductive function of aging females. These studies have not examined whether reproductive senescence in chimpanzees exceeds the pace of general aging, as in humans, or occurs in parallel with declines in overall health, as in many other animals. In order to remedy these problems, we examined fertility and mortality patterns in six free-living chimpanzee populations. Chimpanzee and human birth rates show similar patterns of decline beginning in the fourth decade, suggesting that the physiology of reproductive senescence was relatively conserved in human evolution. However, in contrast to humans, chimpanzee fertility declines are consistent with declines in survivorship, and healthy females maintain high birth rates late into life. Thus, in contrast to recent claims, we find no evidence that menopause is a typical characteristic of chimpanzee life histories.