3. The Real Record on Racial Attitudes

Bobo, Lawrence D.; Charles, Camille Z.; Krysan, Maria; Simmons, Alicia D.

doi:10.1515/9781400845569-005

Cited by 191 publications

(19 citation statements)

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“…While there is much to learn from research focusing on areas with increasing and decreasing segregation, consistent with recent work suggesting that segregation might be more stable than is typically assumed (e.g., Bobo et al, 2012;Xie & Zhou, 2012), our findings suggest that there is also much to learn from districts that are stable. Our work suggests that the field may benefit from focusing on areas that have successfully maintained stable integration.…”

Section: Summary and Discussionsupporting

confidence: 88%

“…Recent evidence, however, suggests that White attitudes toward non-Whites have improved over the past decades, resulting in an increased willingness to live among non-Whites (e.g., Bobo et al, 2012). As a result of changing racial attitudes and complexity of Whites' neighborhood preferences, recent scholarship suggests that White homophily and the impact of tipping points on segregation may have been overestimated (Bruch & Mare, 2006;Xie & Zhou, 2012).…”

Section: Evidence On Tipping Points and Stability Of Residential Segrmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Stasis and Change in Public School District Racial/Ethnic Segregation, 1993–2015

Richards

Stroub²,

Kennedy

2020

AERA Open

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Scholars have often suggested that racial integration is inherently unstable—a transition point in the racial transformation of neighborhoods and schools. While much empirical attention has been paid to documenting changes in segregation in public school districts, in this study we provide initial evidence focusing on the stability of segregation patterns. We calculate annual measures of district racial/ethnic segregation from the National Center for Education Statistics Common Core of Data from 1993 to 2015. Our findings suggest that despite relatively high and stable levels of segregation nationally, stability is the rule, rather than the exception, for the majority of public school districts. Using a taxonomy of severity and stability derived from previous scholarship, we find that most districts are “stably integrated,” with a minority “stably segregated” or exhibiting meaningful change. Our findings suggest that further attention to the characteristics and practices of “stably integrated” districts may be warranted.

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Section: Summary and Discussionsupporting

confidence: 88%

Section: Evidence On Tipping Points and Stability Of Residential Segrmentioning

confidence: 99%

Stasis and Change in Public School District Racial/Ethnic Segregation, 1993–2015

Richards

Stroub²,

Kennedy

2020

AERA Open

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“…It is likely that the gentrification of poor urban areas (36) and a softening of white aversion to black neighbors (figure 3.5 in ref. 37) are responsible for some of the reduction in black neighborhood disadvantage. The movement of immigrant populations to new destinations (38,39) might have played a role as well.…”

Section: Changes In the Distribution Of Neighborhood Poverty By Race:mentioning

confidence: 99%

For blacks in America, the gap in neighborhood poverty has declined faster than segregation

Firebaugh

Acciai

2016

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

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Black residential segregation has been declining in the United States. That accomplishment rings hollow, however, if blacks continue to live in much poorer neighborhoods than other Americans. This study uses census data for all US metropolitan areas in 1980 and 2010 to compare decline in the neighborhood poverty gap between blacks and other Americans with decline in the residential segregation of blacks. We find that both declines resulted primarily from narrowing differences between blacks and whites as opposed to narrowing differences between blacks and Hispanics or blacks and Asians. Because black-white differences in neighborhood poverty declined much faster than black-white segregation, the neighborhood poverty disadvantage of blacks declined faster than black segregationa noteworthy finding because the narrowing of the racial gap in neighborhood poverty for blacks has gone largely unnoticed. Further analysis reveals that the narrowing of the gap was produced by change in both the medians and shapes of the distribution of poverty across the neighborhoods where blacks, whites, Hispanics, and Asians reside.on-Hispanic blacks (hereafter "blacks") generally live in poorer neighborhoods than other Americans. In metropolitan areas in 2010, for example, blacks were nearly four times more likely than other residents to live in neighborhoods where the poverty rate was 40% or higher. The racial divide persists even when comparing households of the same income (1). One study finds that the average black household with annual earnings of $75,000 resides in a higher-poverty neighborhood than the average white household with annual earnings of less than $40,000 (2). However, racial differences in neighborhood environments were even greater in the past (3). In this article, we document a significant narrowing of the black-nonblack gap in neighborhood poverty levels since 1980 and compare that decline with the decline in black residential segregation over the same period.The residential clustering of rich and poor in America is important because of the diminished life chances for residents of high-poverty neighborhoods (4, 5). In addition to more noise and congestion and the absence of green space, high-poverty neighborhoods in America often are characterized by poor schools, reduced access to healthy food, high crime rates, and weak social institutions. Sizable neighborhood inequality is particularly troubling when high neighborhood poverty is associated with race (6). If exposure to poverty adversely affects child development and educational attainment, as recent research suggests (7-11), then disparities in the neighborhood poverty environments of blacks versus more advantaged groups may be an important factor in the persistence of racial inequality across generations (12).The term "black neighborhood disadvantage" is used in this article as shorthand for the difference in poverty rates of the neighborhoods where blacks and other Americans live. Although black neighborhood disadvantage requires black residential segrega...

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“…Future studies, in which implicit recognition of exposure to discrimination towards each specific race/ethnic groups (i.e., Black, Latinx and Asian) is measured, would be thus useful to quantify and compare discrimination against different social groups categorized in the U.S. as people of Color. An alternative hypothesis is that explicit and implicit measures of discrimination and also the relationships between these measures may be influenced by societal context, which is tied to changes in race relations and race politics, and it has been shown to influence measures of racial attitudes [ 44 , 45 ]. Additionally, new research suggests that implicit biases may reflect structural inequalities, not just individual dispositions, and thus change as norms and practices of structural racism change [ 46 ].…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The target/perpetrator brief-implicit association test (B-IAT): an implicit instrument for efficiently measuring discrimination based on race/ethnicity, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, weight, and age

et al. 2021

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Background To date, research assessing discrimination has employed primarily explicit measures (i.e., self-reports), which can be subject to intentional and social desirability processes. Only a few studies, focusing on sex and race/ethnicity discrimination, have relied on implicit measures (i.e., Implicit Association Test, IAT), which permit assessing mental representations that are outside of conscious control. This study aims to advance measurement of discrimination by extending the application of implicit measures to multiple types of discrimination and optimizing the time required for the administration of these instruments. Methods Between September 27th 2019 and February 9th 2020, we conducted six experiments (984 participants) to assess implicit and explicit discrimination based on race/ethnicity, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, weight, and age. Implicit discrimination was measured by using the Brief-Implicit Association Test (B-IAT), a new validated version of the IAT developed to shorten the time needed (from ≈15 to ≈2 min) to assess implicit mental representations, while explicit discrimination was assessed using self-reported items. Results Among participants (mean age = 37.8), 68.6% were White Non-Hispanic; 69% were females; 76.1% were heterosexual; 90.7% were gender conforming; 52.8% were medium weight; and 41.5% had an advanced level of education. Overall, we found implicit and explicit recognition of discrimination towards all the target groups (stronger for members of the target than dominant groups). Some exceptions emerged in experiments investigating race/ethnicity and weight discrimination. In the racism experiment, only people of Color showed an implicit recognition of discrimination towards the target group, while White people were neutral. In the fatphobia experiment, participants who were not heavy showed a slight implicit recognition of discrimination towards the dominant group, while heavy participants were neutral. Conclusions This study provides evidence that the B-IAT is a valuable tool for quickly assessing multiple types of implicit discrimination. It shows also that implicit and explicit measures can display diverging results, thus indicating that research would benefit from the use of both these instruments. These results have important implications for the assessment of discrimination in health research as well as in social and psychological science.

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3. The Real Record on Racial Attitudes

Cited by 191 publications

References 0 publications

Stasis and Change in Public School District Racial/Ethnic Segregation, 1993–2015

Stasis and Change in Public School District Racial/Ethnic Segregation, 1993–2015

For blacks in America, the gap in neighborhood poverty has declined faster than segregation

The target/perpetrator brief-implicit association test (B-IAT): an implicit instrument for efficiently measuring discrimination based on race/ethnicity, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, weight, and age

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