6. Word structure and headedness

Namiki, Takayasu; Kageyama, Tarο

doi:10.1515/9781614512097-010

Cited by 10 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…(Yokogoshi 2005: 85) In this case, the preposition changed its category with its form intact. In our case in (40), in contrast, a preposition changed its category along with its form. The first and clearest piece of evidence for the hypothesis in (40) has already been presented in section 4.1, the fact that while the preposition on and the clitic a allow only a DP or NP as their complement, the prefix a-can take an N, A, or V as its complement (the data given in (39)).…”

Section: Categorial Changecontrasting

confidence: 50%

“…In section 2.2.2, we saw that the preposition on spells out the head Loc in (8). (40) means that due to the process of grammaticalization, it has come to be used as the spell-out of the higher head p.…”

Section: Categorial Changementioning

confidence: 99%

“…For example, the grammaticalization of an adposition can be explicitly defined by means of a multi-layered PP structure like (8) and (11) as the upward change of the functional head it spells out. My hypothesis about the case at hand is: (40) Categorially, the development from on to a-represents a change from Loc to p/Pred.…”

Section: Categorial Changementioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the history of English, some prepositions underwent a change equivalent to (40). Yokogoshi (2005), for example, shows that from ME to PE (Present-day English), as in a small clause underwent the change of its category from a ''preposition,'' possibly a Loc-like element in (8), to a Pred element.…”

Section: Categorial Changementioning

confidence: 99%

“…1 The prefix a-, however, determines the output properties; according to traditional descriptions (e.g. Jespersen 1942, Marchand 1969, Quirk et al 1985, Namiki 1985, a-attaches to N, A, and V and produces A (e.g. aboard, alive, asleep).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Multi-layered PP Analysis and the Prefix a- in English

Nagano

2014

IIS

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This study presents a generative-linguistic analysis of the prefix a-in English morphology. Using Baker's (2003) theory of syntactic categories and Svenonius ' (2006, 2010) multi-layered analysis of spatial PPs, I argue that locative on-phrases underwent the process of grammaticalization to yield a-words in which the prefix a-realizes the category Pred. Denominal and de-adjectival a-words so formed triggered the emergence of a productive derivational pattern that produces stative predicates of the complex category Pred+A from inputs of any lexical category (N, A, and V). This analysis accounts for the non-canonical syntactic distribution of a-words as well as their morphological left-headedness.

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Section: Categorial Changecontrasting

confidence: 50%

Section: Categorial Changementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Categorial Changementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Categorial Changementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Multi-layered PP Analysis and the Prefix a- in English

Nagano

2014

IIS

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Metonymy in the nomenclature of Japanese traditional colors

Toratani

2023

CogLS

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This paper offers a cognitive semantic analysis of 185 nominal-nominal compounds that are used to express Japanese traditional colors (e.g., budoo-nezumi [grape-rat] ‘plum purple’). It explores the types of nominals adopted into compounds, the components’ semantic relations, and the types of metonymy involved in the meaning construction. The most frequently found semantic relations of the two components of the compounds are: (i) color of the ‘right’ blended with color of the ‘left’, where both components are construed metonymically via whole for the part (e.g., budoo-nezumi [grape-rat] ‘plum purple’ is a blend of two colors: grey, expressed by nezumi ‘rat’ (whole), standing for the animal’s hair color (part), and dark purple, expressed by budoo ‘grape’ (whole), standing for the fruit’s skin color (part)); and (ii) color of the ‘left’, expressed by the X-iro [X-color] compound (e.g., kohaku-iro [amber-color] ‘amber’). While both components in the X-iro compounds are typically used literally, overall, 65% of the 185 compounds involve metonymy (whole for the part, action for result, among others), suggesting the important role played by metonymy in meaning construction of the compounds expressing Japanese traditional colors.

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Classification of nominal compounds containing mimetics

Toratani

2019

Iconicity in Language and Literature

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In Japanese, some nominal compounds have mimetic components (Nominal Compounds with Mimetics (NCMs)) (e.g., zaazaa-buri [mimetic(the sound of heavy rain)-a fall(from the sky)] ‘a downpour’). This paper examines how mimetics participate in word-formation of nominal compounds, applying Construction Morphology. Examination of representative NCMs indicates: (i) NCMs are mostly right-headed, although some are double-headed, and (ii) mimetics combine with the types of nouns that combine with non-mimetic components. Given this, the paper proposes NCMs are part of the inheritance hierarchy for nominal compounds; specifically, their top node diverges according to the head position, building on Booij (2010: 7). The hierarchy consists of different constructional schemas, such as <[x i-hada] nk ↔ [hada ‘skin’ with attribute SEMi]k>, wherein the variable x can be replaced by a mimetic, as in gasagasa-hada ‘rough skin’, or a non-mimetic, as in yawa-hada ‘soft skin’. The paper argues that mimetics are an integral part of nominal compound word formation, enriching lexical varieties of nominal compounds. The Construction Morphology representational system proves useful to indicate where NCMs appear in the word network.

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6. Word structure and headedness

Cited by 10 publications

References 0 publications

The Multi-layered PP Analysis and the Prefix a- in English

The Multi-layered PP Analysis and the Prefix a- in English

Metonymy in the nomenclature of Japanese traditional colors

Classification of nominal compounds containing mimetics

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