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Wenzel, James P.; Bowler, Shaun; Lanoue, David J.

doi:10.1023/a:1026614314233

Cited by 47 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…This study contributes to the growing literature that links partisan self-interest considerations to attitudes towards election laws [33,[61][62][63][64][65], and adds to the understanding of causality in this relationship [34][35][36]. Further, our findings contribute to the literature on the thirdperson effect by providing the first evidence of its existence in the context of online targeted political advertisements.…”

Section: Perceptions About Partisan Self-interestsupporting

confidence: 60%

“…These results contribute to the findings of previous research examining motivations behind attitudes toward election laws. While multiple studies provide evidence that partisan self-interest considerations are associated with attitudes towards the election law, many of these studies are cross-sectional and, hence, do not establish causality [33,[61][62][63][64]77]. Several recent studies use experimental designs to measure causal effects of partisan self-interest on attitudes toward the election law [34][35][36].…”

Section: Plos Onementioning

confidence: 99%

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Partisan self-interest is an important driver for people’s support for the regulation of targeted political advertising

2021

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The rapid emergence of online targeted political advertising has raised concerns over data privacy and what the government’s response should be. This paper tested and confirmed the hypothesis that public attitudes toward stricter regulation of online targeted political advertising are partially motivated by partisan self-interest. We conducted an experiment using an online survey of 1549 Americans who identify as either Democrats or Republicans. Our findings show that Democrats and Republicans believe that online targeted political advertising benefits the opposing party. This belief is based on their conviction that their political opponents are more likely to be mobilized by online targeted political advertising than are supporters of their own party. We exogenously manipulated partisan self-interest considerations of a random subset of participants by truthfully informing them that, in the past, online targeted political advertising has benefited Republicans. Our findings show that Republicans informed about this had less favorable attitudes toward regulation than did their uninformed co-partisans. This suggests that Republicans’ attitudes regarding stricter regulation are based not solely on concerns about privacy violations, but also, in part, are caused by beliefs about partisan advantage. The results imply that people are willing to accept violations of their privacy if their preferred party benefits from the use of online targeted political advertising.

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Section: Perceptions About Partisan Self-interestsupporting

confidence: 60%

Section: Plos Onementioning

confidence: 99%

Partisan self-interest is an important driver for people’s support for the regulation of targeted political advertising

2021

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“…Losers of elections are more prone to support change in various institutions. For example, supporters of parties most often in the opposition are more likely to support electoral reforms (Vowles et al 2002;Wenzel, Bowler, and Lanoue 2000). Other authors have demonstrated that election losers are more inclined to support reforms that increase citizens' direct participation in policy decisions (Bowler and Donovan 2019;Bowler, Donovan, and Karp 2007;Smith, Tolbert, and Keller 2010).…”

Section: Losers' Consent and Support For Deliberative Mini-publicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Support for Deliberative mini-Publics among the Losers of Representative Democracy

Pilet,

Bedock,

Talukder

et al. 2023

Brit. J. Polit. Sci.

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The literature on deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) establishes a link between political dissatisfaction and support for DMPs. However, little is known about the sources of political dissatisfaction that trigger this support. Our research tackles this specific question and claims that citizen dissatisfaction is rooted in a position of ‘losers of representative democracy’, which leads citizens to be more open to reforms that move away from the representative model. Building on the literature on loser's consent, we focus on the effect of voting for a party not associated with the government and of descriptive and substantive (under)-representation in support of DMPs. We rely on a comparative survey conducted across fifteen Western European countries. Supporters of opposition parties and those who are badly represented, both descriptively and substantively, are more supportive of DMPs. These findings have important implications for understanding the public appeal for deliberative democracy instruments.

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“…The literature on citizens' attitudes toward democratic innovations and their motivations for supporting or rejecting institutional reforms is relatively new. This research has predominantly explored the effect of intrinsic motivations and values versus strategic behavior and instrumental factors on citizen preferences for institutional changes (Landwehr & Harms, 2020; Riambau et al, 2021; Tolbert et al, 2009; Wenzel et al, 2000). Our paper contributes to this evolving literature by forging a connection between individuals' satisfaction with public goods and their willingness to embrace institutional change—an aspect, to our knowledge, previously unaddressed in the literature.…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Satisfaction with public goods provision and citizen preferences for institutional changes: Evidence from the dictatorship‐era constitution in Chile

Acuña‐Duarte,

León,

Salazar

2024

Kyklos

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We argue that a deficient provision of public goods may influence citizen satisfaction with the status quo, thereby encouraging demands for institutional changes. We formalize and test this relationship using prior data related to the recent constitutional process carried out in Chile to replace its dictatorship‐era constitution. Individual‐level data from the Chile 2016/17 AmericasBarometer survey are used to estimate ordered and multinomial probit models to study the determinants of citizen preferences for constitutional change, distinguishing between amendment and replacement. The main findings reveal that preferences for reforming the Chilean constitution can be driven by greater discontent with public goods provision. These results remain robust when estimating pseudo‐panel models using cohort‐level data and examining coefficient stability. Moreover, higher levels of corruption are associated with a stronger demand for constitutional replacement, suggesting a potential rupture in the shared social contract due to poor governance and lower political equality.

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Untitled

Cited by 47 publications

References 23 publications

Partisan self-interest is an important driver for people’s support for the regulation of targeted political advertising

Partisan self-interest is an important driver for people’s support for the regulation of targeted political advertising

Support for Deliberative mini-Publics among the Losers of Representative Democracy

Satisfaction with public goods provision and citizen preferences for institutional changes: Evidence from the dictatorship‐era constitution in Chile

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