A Challenge to Null Case Theory

Cecchetto, Carlo; Oniga, Renato

doi:10.1162/002438904322793374

Cited by 42 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Argumentation in the other direction—that is, presentation of empirical data specifically supporting the MTC—is not as abundant but can also be found: the phenomenon of backward control (Polinsky & Potsdam 2002) and agreement patterns in Latin (Cecchetto & Oniga 2004) have been analyzed as possibly being produced by movement of the controller from the controlled position.…”

Section: Preliminary Remarksmentioning

confidence: 99%

What Brazilian Portuguese Says about Control: Remarks on Boeckx & Hornstein

Modesto

2010

Syntax

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In an article in this journal, Boeckx & Hornstein (2006a) present data from Brazilian Portuguese (BP) as an argument in favor of the Movement Theory of Control (MTC). In this reply, I show that the data presented by those authors do not necessarily argue for a movement analysis of BP finite subjects nor of nonfinite control. I also show that BP provides arguments against the MTC when inflected infinitives are considered. Inflected infinitives may be used in BP in partial control structures, which makes it explicit that a singular matrix argument may control a syntactically plural null subject and shows that these two positions cannot be related by movement. Additionally, I show that the MTC makes the wrong predictions when a language with inflected infinitives is considered. 3 The kind of finite embedded null subject discussed by Rodrigues (2004) and Modesto (2000a) was, to my knowledge, first discussed by Figueiredo Silva (1994). It presents many peculiar characteristics, such as necessarily having an antecedent in the matrix clause, and it may appear in any complement clause in the indicative mood. Therefore, any predicate that takes a finite clausal (indicative) complement in BP could, in principle, allow a null (bound) subject. The predicates that meet this criterion are prototypically verbs of saying and thinking but also ditransitive verbs like convencer Ôto convinceÕ, avisar Ôto warnÕ, garantir Ôto guaranteeÕ, informar Ôto informÕ, alertar Ôto alertÕ, prevenir Ôto forewarnÕ, and instruir Ôto instructÕ, among others.

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Section: Preliminary Remarksmentioning

confidence: 99%

What Brazilian Portuguese Says about Control: Remarks on Boeckx & Hornstein

Modesto

2010

Syntax

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“…The case of odin `alone' clearly indicates that in (27a) and (27b) Peter-Acc to-go in theater alone-Acc `Mother forced Peter to go to the theater alone .' (Engelhardt (1999: 204)) The data from Russian constitute evidence that PRO and its controller have the same case value, as (26b) states (See Cecchetto and Oniga (2004) for similar examples from Latin). Thus, the discussion here confirms our analysis that PRO enters into an Agree relation with elements in the upper clause.23, 24…”

Section: Case Of Promentioning

confidence: 92%

On the Phasehood and Non-Phasehood of Cp

Kanno¹

2008

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In this paper, we argue that the combination of an Agree feature and a Tense feature on CP determines the (non-)phasehood of CP. We propose that the presence of both features makes CP a phase while the absence of one or both of the two features makes it a non-phase. It follows from this proposal that finite complements are CP phases while control complements, raising complements, and Accusative with Infinitives are non-phase CPs. It is then predicted that operations can apply across the CP of the latter types. We will show that this prediction is borne out.*

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“…First, native speakers of French, Greek, Hebrew, and Serbian consulted by the present author reported identical contrasts in each of these languages for those verbs that exist with the same meaning(s) as their English counterparts 6 , 7 . Secondly, an examination of numerous works on Control and/or ECM/small clause complementation that included, in addition to the references already cited above, Andrews (1971, 1976, 1990); Iatridou (1988, 1993); Varlokosta (1993); Baltin (1995); Franks (1995, 1998); Cecchetto & Oniga (2004); Melnik (2007); and Madigan (2008), among others, revealed no examples of simple Control, ECM, or small clause complementation in any language with the class of verbs enumerated above, be it an infinitival Control language (such as English or French), a language that exhibits Control only into finite complement clauses (as in, e.g., the languages of the Balkans), or a language that makes use of both options (as is the case for Hebrew) 8…”

Section: A Gap In Simple Control Ecm and Small Clause Complementmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Semantic Constraint on Tenseless Clausal Complementation*

Reed

2012

Studia Linguistica

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This paper identifies a substantial class of verbs that disallow simple Control, ECM, and small clause complementation, perhaps universally. It argues, on the basis of cancellability and an application of tests developed in Vendler (1967) and Asher (1993Asher ( , 2000, among others that what distinguishes these verbs is s-selection for Possible Fact-denoting clausal complements. Truth indeterminacy -a semantic feature unique to Possible Facts -is then hypothesized to explain why these verbs disallow these types of clausal complements. Specifically, the meaning of Possible Fact-selecting verbs like announce is such that they fail to lexically specify a temporal index for the evaluation of the truth of the complement clause. Given this, a temporal index must be independently established either by partial inflection of the embedded I/T for semantic tense, as is argued to be the case e.g., in English inflected infinitivals, or by full inflection of I/T for that feature, as in, e.g., indicatives. The latter context is, of course, well known to preclude Control, ECM, and small clause complementation, given the Nominative Case properties associated with fully inflected I/T. These proposals hold important implications for current null Case approaches to Control since the empirical base indicates that a simple [+/)tense] semantic feature fails to decisively limit the distribution of PRO. Specifically, the data point instead to licensing of PRO by I/Ts that lack tense and/or phi-features. * This paper owes much to two anonymous Studia Linguistica reviewers and Marc Authier, whose detailed comments and suggestions contributed substantially to its development. Special thanks are also due to Christer Platzack and Arthur Holmer, the editors of this journal. All remaining errors and omissions are, of course, my own. clauses like (1), but not in superficially similar ECM or small clause contexts such as those in (2): 1,2 (1) a. She wanted/promised/tried [to bring the wine].b. He asked/ordered/invited me [to send in an abstract].(2) a. He believes/considers [*(himself) to be quite the ladiesÕ man]. b. You have got to make/let [*(yourself) take a break now and then].

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A Challenge to Null Case Theory

Cited by 42 publications

References 4 publications

What Brazilian Portuguese Says about Control: Remarks on Boeckx & Hornstein

What Brazilian Portuguese Says about Control: Remarks on Boeckx & Hornstein

On the Phasehood and Non-Phasehood of Cp

A Semantic Constraint on Tenseless Clausal Complementation*

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