2022
DOI: 10.1017/s1755048321000353
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

A Content Analysis of the Friday Sermons of the Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs in Germany (DİTİB)

Abstract: The Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs (DİTİB) runs more than 900 mosques in Germany and circulates Friday sermons in these mosques. Our analysis provides a nuanced depiction of the link to the homeland by conducting qualitative and quantitative content analyses of 481 sermons from 2011 to 2019. To what extent are relations with Turkey reflected in the sermons? And how is the concept of “home” reflected in those sermons? While homeland-related issues constitute a minority overall, the concept “home” o… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

0
5
0

Year Published

2022
2022
2024
2024

Publication Types

Select...
5
2
1

Relationship

0
8

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 10 publications
(5 citation statements)
references
References 43 publications
0
5
0
Order By: Relevance
“…The changes in the discourse of the ISN since 2017 indicate that Islam in the Netherlands, to some extent, alternates between negotiation and conflict to reconstruct an individual and collective identity (cf. Carol and Hofheinz 2022;Gibbon 2008;Gürlesin 2020;Ongur 2020;Sbai 2019). In the Netherlands, the ISN experiences various kinds of social and political pressure and adjusts itself to a variety of situations in which it undertakes religious activities.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…The changes in the discourse of the ISN since 2017 indicate that Islam in the Netherlands, to some extent, alternates between negotiation and conflict to reconstruct an individual and collective identity (cf. Carol and Hofheinz 2022;Gibbon 2008;Gürlesin 2020;Ongur 2020;Sbai 2019). In the Netherlands, the ISN experiences various kinds of social and political pressure and adjusts itself to a variety of situations in which it undertakes religious activities.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Over the last two decades, Diyanet has emerged as one of the most significant religious authorities pertaining to yeni milli (new national) values, also known as yerli ve milli (homegrown and national) values by members of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) (Mutluer 2018;Sunier 2010;Sunier and Landman 2014). The institution's transnational networks play a crucial role in defining the features of this novel national identity overseas (see Carol and Hofheinz 2022;Çitak 2010;Gürlesin 2020 [in the Netherlands]; Öztürk and Sözeri 2018;Yanaşmayan 2010). Furthermore, Diyanet adopts the Muslim perspective on sin and sinful acts to delineate the Turkish hybrid identity in Europe (Öztürk 2016Öztürk and Baser 2022).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, seeing DITIB as a loyal supporter of AKP, the party that facilitated the expansion of the organisation's reach to 1,000 mosques in Germany (DITIB, 2023) and 17 in the UK, would only be valid so long as AKP-rule continues. Therefore, the current pro-AKP stance of the DITIB was not a secret (Carol & Hofheinz, 2022;Öcal, 2022). Furthermore, considering the number of DITIB mosques, coordinating mobilisation via these mosques not only made the activities more accessible but also extended the party's reach undeniably.…”
Section: Germanymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Over the years, the list of 'others' continues to grow, encapsulating not just national but transnational 'threats.' These layers of crises are added to the AKP's narrative (Carol & Hofheinz, 2022;Yilmaz, 2021a;Yilmaz & Albayrak, 2021A;2021b;Yilmaz & Erturk, 2021). The sense of a looming crisis justifies the AKP's undemocratic actions and it sows deep divisions within a society shaped, in part, by Islamist civilisationalist populism.…”
Section: The Case Of Erdoganmentioning
confidence: 99%