A critical juncture? the 2004 European elections and the making of a supranational elite

Verzichelli, Luca; Edinger, Michael

doi:10.1080/13572330500166618

Cited by 58 publications

(32 citation statements)

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“…She argued this would provide a basis for the EP to be filled with careerists in future. Verzichelli and Edinger (2005) studied the EP's 2004 intake looking for the emergence of a supranational elite. They note that 2004 saw the highest return of previous members up to that point, excluding those from the 10 new member states.…”

Section: Policy-seekers Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tenure, turnover and careers in the European Parliament: MEPs as policy-seekers

Whitaker¹

2014

Journal of European Public Policy

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Given the considerable increase in its powers over recent decades this paper asks how far the European Parliament (EP) is an attractive place to build a legislative career.Using a theory of MEPs as policy-seekers, it shows that MEPs are indeed building careers in this supranational institution. Turnover is in decline in the EP and on its committees, average length of service has increased and greater proportions of MEPs aspire to stay than previously. Looking at the 30 years since direct elections began, policy influence and office benefits are associated with lower likelihood of exiting the EP while being on the geographical periphery of the EU makes MEPs more likely to leave. KEY WORDS

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Section: Policy-seekers Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tenure, turnover and careers in the European Parliament: MEPs as policy-seekers

Whitaker¹

2014

Journal of European Public Policy

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“…In her cross-national study, Scarrow (1997) suggests that an increasing proportion of MEPs choose Brussels as their principal political career path (see also Verzichelli and Edinger 2005). However, there is still considerable cross-national variation in the background of MEPs (Scarrow 1997;Norris 1999).…”

Section: Political Selection and Candidate Quality In The Epmentioning

confidence: 93%

“…(weighted by 3); and, finally, national parliamentarians are given a double (2) score. In addition to this, it has been argued that MEPs are often either young and inexperienced or old and about to retire (Scarrow 1997;Verzichelli and Edinger 2005). In a bid to capture this trend, we also include a single (1) score for those who enter the EP in their prime political age between 35 and 55.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Candidate quality across different orders of elections: the cases of the Czech Republic and Slovakia

Kovář

2013

East European Politics

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Elections to the European Parliament fall within the category of second-order elections (SOEs). Because these types of elections do not lead to the formation of government, there is less at stake and, consequently, voters behave differently when casting votes. But do also political parties also behave as if there is less at stake as voters do? This article draws on an original dataset on the political experience of party candidates in the Czech Republic and Slovakia to explicitly link the SOE model to independent actions of political parties. The results show that political parties indeed nominate higher quality candidates to the first-order arena, where more is at stake. Moreover, parties in government in first-order arena react to domestic situation and nominate lower quality candidates to EP elections than parties in opposition. IntroductionThe fact that elections to the European Parliament (EP) are different from national parliamentary elections in European Union (EU) member states has been evident ever since the very first of these Europe-wide elections were held in 1979. In their immediate aftermath, Reif and Schmitt (1980) labelled first direct EP elections as "second-order national elections" (for an overview, see Marsh and Mikhaylov 2010). In a later work, Reif (1997) proposed an operational definition of such second-order elections (SOEs):

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“…Nevertheless, the logic of the SOE model provides political parties with the opportunity to experiment insomuch that there is less at stake. From a theoretical point view, since the EP is not considered to be a site of effective power, becoming a member of the EP (MEP) is not as competitive as becoming a member of NP (MP) and political parties are thus more willing to present women candidates for EP than for national FOEs (Vallance & Davies, 1986;Verzichelli & Edinger, 2005). In other words, it could be argued that 'where there is power there are no women; and where there is no power there are women' (Freedman, 2002, p. 179).…”

Section: Expectationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Representation of Women in Second-order Elections: The Czech Republic and Slovakia Compared

Kovář

2013

Perspectives on European Politics and Society

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A critical juncture? the 2004 European elections and the making of a supranational elite

Cited by 58 publications

References 0 publications

Tenure, turnover and careers in the European Parliament: MEPs as policy-seekers

Tenure, turnover and careers in the European Parliament: MEPs as policy-seekers

Candidate quality across different orders of elections: the cases of the Czech Republic and Slovakia

Representation of Women in Second-order Elections: The Czech Republic and Slovakia Compared

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