2003
DOI: 10.1080/09644010412331308394
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

A critique of generative class theories of environmentalism and of the labour–environmentalist relationship

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

0
12
0

Year Published

2006
2006
2024
2024

Publication Types

Select...
9

Relationship

1
8

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 18 publications
(12 citation statements)
references
References 24 publications
0
12
0
Order By: Relevance
“…Regarding the link between membership of the new middle class and environmental activism, some studies showed a weak link with voting for green parties (49,50). More recent empirical literature challenges this argument in showing that environmental activists' backgrounds are much more diverse (51), that social movements have a much larger and diverse following than just the new middle class (15,52), and that being part of the new middle class may in some cases, rather, have a negative effect on environmental activism (53).…”
Section: Social Bases and Political Valuesmentioning
confidence: 91%
“…Regarding the link between membership of the new middle class and environmental activism, some studies showed a weak link with voting for green parties (49,50). More recent empirical literature challenges this argument in showing that environmental activists' backgrounds are much more diverse (51), that social movements have a much larger and diverse following than just the new middle class (15,52), and that being part of the new middle class may in some cases, rather, have a negative effect on environmental activism (53).…”
Section: Social Bases and Political Valuesmentioning
confidence: 91%
“…Environmental movements are often urban and middle-class in character (Berglund, 1998;Norton, 2003) and they tend to focus on global heritage or 'common goods' such as biodiversity that have to be protected in the name of the future in general (Ingold, 1993;Brosius, 1999;Berglund, 2001). Rural social movements focus on defending their specific life-worlds, traditions, and culture (Gorlach et al, 2008), such as the Sámi or reindeer herding cultures in Fennoscandia (Lehtola, 2004;Hukkinen, 2008).Thus, the positions and argumentation of rural social movements and ENGOs in relation to nature are different in scale, even both are shaping the very same landscapes of today.…”
Section: Social Movements As Environmental Pressure Groupsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This manipulative strategy of using capital and control over jobs to intimidate workers into allying with industry is referred to by Kazis and Grossman (1982) as “job blackmail.” The practice of environmental job blackmail attempts to refocus workers’ grievances against their employers toward environmental activism based on the fear that stricter environmental regulations will force companies to close production. This strategy has proven effective in driving a wedge between labor and environmental movements, which some class theorists view as natural allies based on their relationship to capital (Foster 1993; Norton 2003). By exaggerating the impact of environmental policy on jobs, workers are prevented from identifying with environmental groups who promote the idea that a growing economy and healthy environment are not mutually exclusive goals.…”
Section: Labor‐environmental Relationsmentioning
confidence: 99%