A derivational approach to the interpretation of scrambling chains

Saitō, Mamoru

doi:10.1016/s0024-3841(02)00083-9

Cited by 102 publications

(55 citation statements)

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“…34 Derivational binding in the sense of Belletti and Rizzi (1988) is pursued by Abe (1993), Kitahara (1997), Epstein et al (1998), Lasnik (1999), Grewendorf and Sabel (1999), Kayne (2002), Zwart (2002), Epstein andSeely (2002, 2006), Saito (2003Saito ( , 2005, and Bailyn (2007), among others. Representational binding is developed by Pica (1991), Lebeaux (1983), Cole and Sung (1994), Hestvik (1992), Baltin (2003), Fox and Nissenbaum (2004), among others.…”

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confidence: 99%

Psych verbs in English and Mandarin

Cheung

Larson

2014

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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Psych verb constructions show peculiar properties. They appear to project the same θ-relations into inverse configurations (John fears sharks/Sharks frighten John). Furthermore, Experiencer Object psych verb constructions admit backward binding in apparent violation of familiar c-command conditions (Pictures of himself anger John). We offer a solution to both puzzles drawing crucially on data from English and Mandarin. We argue that apparent θ-role inversion is an illusion, and that Experiencer Subject psych verb constructions like John fears sharks are not in fact simple transitive constructions but instead involve a concealed clause with a silent predicate (John fears [CP sharks PRED]). Regarding backward binding, we argue for an updated version of Belletti and Rizzi's (1988) analysis of Experiencer Object psych verbs in which the putative Theme is a Source that is underlyingly c-commanded by the Experiencer.Keywords psych verbs · intensionality · concealed complement clauses · applicatives· English · Mandarin 1 Introduction: The problem of psych constructionsPsych constructions pose a number of challenges to syntactic theory. As shown in (1)- (2), Experiencer Subject (ES) and Experiencer Object (EO) psych verbs in English appear to assign the same θ-roles of Experiencer and Theme. 1 But the structural positions of the corresponding arguments are reversed or "flipped" in the two constructions (Lakoff 1970;Postal 1974). This apparent "θ-role inversion" challenges the Universal Alignment Hypothesis (UAH) of Perlmutter and Postal (1984) and the corresponding Uniformity of Theta Assignment Hypothesis (UTAH) of Baker (1988), which require identical thematic relationships to be realized in identical structural configurations. The exact identity of the non-experiencer θ-role in (1) and (2) is controversial; we label it here as THEME mainly for convience. The important point is that the same pair of roles appears to be involved in the two exemples; we return to a more careful discussion of this issue below. 2 In this study we concentrate on what Landau (2010) terms "Class I" psych verbs like fear and "Class II" psych verbs like frighten, largely putting aside discussion of his "Class III" psych verbs like appeal; the latter resemble the Class II type, but exhibit a dative preposition (to) on the experiencer (or, in other languages, dative case marking) as opposed to a simple accusative object (i): THEME EXPERIENCERThe idea appealed to Julie. (Landau 2010: 6) This is the Pre-Published Version.

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confidence: 99%

Psych verbs in English and Mandarin

Cheung

Larson

2014

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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“…11 As noted by the reviewer, this presupposes that all movement types that instantiate the above restrictions are indeed feature-driven. Accordingly, an approach like that of Saito (2003), where Japanese scrambling is not feature-driven, is incompatible with the present analysis.…”

Section: Defective Valuation Of Movement-related Featuresmentioning

confidence: 70%

“…Assuming that all movement operations leave traces (or copies), remnant movement (i.e., movement of α in the presence of β-movement in (5)) creates an unbound trace (or copy). Accordingly, the properties of remnant movement constructions can be accounted for by postulating specific restrictions on unbound traces (see Thiersch (1985), den Besten & Webelhuth (1987;1990), Müller (1993), Grewendorf & Sabel (1994), Saito (2003), Collins & Sabel (2007) for attempts along these lines). However, it is of course a priori preferable to account for the properties of multiple movement in α-over-β configurations without invoking designated constraints referring to unbound traces; such constraints will eventually qualify as construction-specific.…”

Section: Remnant Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Remnant movement in local derivational grammar

Müller¹

2015

Remnant Movement

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This paper sets out to substantiate three claims. First, there is (conceptual and emiprical) evidence for adopting a local derivational approach to syntax (as opposed to non-local derivational, local declarative, and non-local declarative approaches). Second, the general counter-bleeding effect with remnant movement provides an argument for a derivational approach as such, but raises problems for a local derivational approach as it is presupposed in phase-based minimalist syntax. Third, this challenge can be met if the movement-related features of moved items (like [wh]) have values that act as buffers, storing minimal aspects of the derivational history on the moved item. Background Two DichotomiesCurrent theories of syntax can roughly be grouped into four classes according to two dichotomies: An approach can be derivational (such that syntactic structures are generated by structure-building and structure-manipulating operations) or declarative (such that syntactic structures are viewed as potential objects that have to comply with the grammatical constraints of a language); and an approach can be local (such that all syntactic dependencies are confined to local domains, e.g., subtrees, and syntactic constraints have access only to these subtrees) or non-local (such that syntactic dependencies can span larger portions of structure, potentially the whole sentence, and syntactic constraints also have access to these large domains). A cross-classification yields four models of grammar: Current local derivational approaches include most prominently the Minimalist Program (Chomsky (2001;), where syntactic structures are generated bottom-up, by alternating operations like Merge, Move, and Agree, and the accessible window of a derivation is quite small throughout (it is standardly assumed to be confined to the minimal phase). GPSG (Gazdar (1981), Gazdar et al. (1985)) and HPSG (Pollard & Sag (1994), Sag & Wasow (1999), Müller, St. (2007) belong to the class of local declarative approaches: Dependencies and constraints are evaluated in small subtrees (essentially, mother-daughter relations), and syntactic structures are assumed to be licensed by constraint satisfaction, rather than being generated successively by syntactic operations. Next, there are non-local derivational models,

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“…Such a metric determines the movement of a scrambled object (as in (29)) to be shorter than the movement of a subject out of a vP where no object scrambling has taken place (as in (27a)): the vP category is contained in the movement path only in the latter case. If the target of scrambling is (exclusively) the vP-edge, then it must be 416 balázs surányi Karimi 2003;Kitahara 2002;Miyagawa 1997;Saito 2003). Therefore, the issue is not discussed here in any detail.…”

Section: Free Postverbal Constituent Order and Verb Raisingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…21 This property is characteristic of Japanese local scrambling (cf. (37) below, see Saito 1992, 74f); whereas it is not shared by German, Slavic or Albanian scrambling (see, e.g., Grewendorf-Sabel 1999;Kitahara 2002;Saito 2003;Karimi 2003, and references therein). (38) (Grewendorf-Sabel 1999) This follows if Hungarian scrambling is or can be A-movement and Condition A is an "anywhere condition" in the sense of Belletti-Rizzi (1988), Epstein et al (1998), among others.…”

Section: Scrambling In Hungarianmentioning

confidence: 99%

Word order in Hungarian exclamatives

Surányi¹

2006

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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This article revisits the (non)configurationality debate of the 80s and early 90s concerning Hungarian, a "free word order" language, which was shown during that period to be characterized by an articulate and, crucially, hierarchical preverbal domain, with A-bar positions dedicated to discourse functions such as topic and focus. What this debate did not conclusively settle, however, is the question whether or not the structure of A-positions in Hungarian is also configurational. The most prevalent, and indeed empirically most well-argued and elaborated analysis that has emerged is that of É. Kiss's (1987a; 1987b;1991;1994b;, according to which the answer * It has taken what appears now an unthinkably long gestation period for the ideas presented here to materialize in the form of a paper. The first person to thank here is Elsi Kaiser, with whom I first discussed some details of a scrambling approach to the Hungarian postverbal domain at ConSOLE 7 in Bergen in 1998. I am especially indebted to Máté Bánki, not only for his interest in this topic as a student, which made me resume the work on it which I left off sometime during my graduate years, but also for kindly performing an extensive pilot test during the is negative: arguments are base-generated in the verb phrase in a free order in a flat structure. The present paper challenges this view by demonstrating systematically that the arguments put forward to back it up are inconclusive, and in fact it fails descriptively as well. The alternative proposed here is based on a hierarchical verb phrase (vacated by the raised verb) and a Japanese-type local scrambling movement that operates in the post-verbal domain of the clause. The scrambling movement analysis, besides being theoretically more desirable than the nonconfigurational verb phrase approach, makes available a superior descriptive coverage by accounting for a varied set of structural symmetries and asymmetries holding between subject and object. Modulo scrambling, Hungarian is configurational all the way down.

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A derivational approach to the interpretation of scrambling chains

Cited by 102 publications

References 11 publications

Psych verbs in English and Mandarin

Psych verbs in English and Mandarin

Remnant movement in local derivational grammar

Word order in Hungarian exclamatives

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