This article briefly explores the underpinnings of the contemporary capital punishment moratorium movement and examines executive and legislative responses to calls for a halt to executions, including suggestions for studying the death penalty process. Although most investigations focus on select issues like innocence, ineffective counsel, and race bias, this article suggests that a wide-ranging constellation of issues should be investigated in any legitimate attempt to evaluate the administration of the death penalty. The article canvasses this broader sweep of issues, discusses related research evidence, and then considers the policy implications of conducting such a thorough empirical assessment of the administration of capital punishment in this country.At the new penalty trial, held in 1964, [Aaron] Mitchell once again had the public defender to represent him. Mitchell listened with boredom as the government attorneys, recapitulating the shooting with the help of policemen and detectives and ballistic experts, drew complicated diagrams showing positions of bandit and police officers, the layout of the Stadium Club, and trajectories of the bullets. As Mitchell looked over the array of intricate, baffling evidence, he was confident of one thing: no one on the jury that tried him understood it. The whole procedure, with men talking like mechanized actors in ridiculously stilted language, amounted to a childish game that had to be played. They went through it because that was what they were supposed to do as attorneys, witnesses, judges, and jurors. But they all knew damned well that the decision would not be based on evidence; the prejudices of the jurors would rule (Wolfe, 1973, p. 22).