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Participants in conversation have a range of options for referring to co-conversationalists – lexical, grammatical, embodied – regardless of their language. Personal pronouns have been described as the most unmarked way of achieving reference, where little else is accomplished other than the action of referring. We demonstrate that speakers in a multi-party conversation whose language distinguishes between second and third-person pronouns, or between inclusive and exclusive pronouns, are constantly attributing and managing participation roles when referring to co-participants, even when using the default reference forms. Grammatical contrasts within pronoun inventories are recruited, often in conjunction with points and gaze, to indicate which co-participants are being addressed and which are being referred to. Address is constantly recalibrated through practices of reference. Speakers also draw on more marked referential expressions in order to emphasise the attribution of participation roles more explicitly. This study is based on a corpus of casual multi-party conversations in Jaru, an endangered Australian language with a dual pronominal system which encodes three grammatical numbers (singular, dual, and plural) and specifies whether the referents of first-person dual and plural pronouns exclude or include the addressee(s).
Participants in conversation have a range of options for referring to co-conversationalists – lexical, grammatical, embodied – regardless of their language. Personal pronouns have been described as the most unmarked way of achieving reference, where little else is accomplished other than the action of referring. We demonstrate that speakers in a multi-party conversation whose language distinguishes between second and third-person pronouns, or between inclusive and exclusive pronouns, are constantly attributing and managing participation roles when referring to co-participants, even when using the default reference forms. Grammatical contrasts within pronoun inventories are recruited, often in conjunction with points and gaze, to indicate which co-participants are being addressed and which are being referred to. Address is constantly recalibrated through practices of reference. Speakers also draw on more marked referential expressions in order to emphasise the attribution of participation roles more explicitly. This study is based on a corpus of casual multi-party conversations in Jaru, an endangered Australian language with a dual pronominal system which encodes three grammatical numbers (singular, dual, and plural) and specifies whether the referents of first-person dual and plural pronouns exclude or include the addressee(s).
As opposed to static approaches, the dynamic approach (DA) emphatically distances itself from the routinised use of the concept of language (as in the English, French or Quechua language), the sole reliance on the dichotomised model of language history explained by vertical change (the Stammbaum approach) and horizontal change (the contact approach), and the eccentrification of creole language emergence. The notion of a DA to language surfaced at several points in time, reaching two climaxes, namely the advent of Wave Theory (Schmidt 1872) and the incorporation of variation in the machinery of a modular approach to grammar (Bailey 1973; Bickerton 1971; Seuren 1982). In a nutshell, the DA advocates for the polylectal nature of linguistic competence (in the transformationalist/generative semantic sense), the fluid nature of language variation over time and space, as well as for the notions of functionality and the Principle of Semantic Transparency as guiding forces throughout the history of languoids.1 In this article, the basic tenets of this approach are outlined, embedded in a historical frame within the advent of Generative Semantics and variation-centred approaches to language. These tenets are illustrated with case studies from languoids used in Northwestern Amazonia, Balgo in Western Australia, as well as Senegambia in West Africa.
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