A NAHḌA OF CHARITABLE ORGANIZATIONS? HEALTH SERVICE PROVISION AND THE POLITICS OF AID IN PALESTINE

Abstract

Until recently, the topic of charitable organizations seemed to have fallen in disgrace. Social scientists have given little attention to this sector of associational life. Instead, a great deal has been written on the issues of democratization through pressure groups or on the transformation of social movements into professional organizations while assessing the overall impact of development promoted by donors. Yet three signs point to the need for a better understanding of charitable organizations. First, new research studying Islamic activism through the lens of social-movement literature has offered innovative results. Second, studies on the impact of aid during the second intifada have revealed that charitable organizations as well as Islamic organizations offered a significant amount of emergency support, sometimes competing with professional nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Finally, the fact that Hamas, also known for running a vast network of charitable organizations, achieved such a significant political success in the 2005 municipal and 2006 legislative elections should invite social scientists to consider whether and how political momentum can also be obtained through activism in the charitable sector.

The political economy of health in the Gaza strip: Reversing de-development

“…Thirdly, reliance on donor aid heightens resource competition and increases coordination costs [ 11 , 12 ]. International assistance from agencies and NGOs is double edged: while it provides crucial services, technical help and life-saving support, it risks stymying the emergence of local service delivery.…”

“…The government cannot compel foreign donors to commit to a particular project or always to see it through [ 13 ]. Donor priorities may not always be a good fit with basic needs: there is a tendency for NGOs to favour ‘grand projects’ related to ‘empowerment and civil society rather than focusing on serving the needs of the local population’ [ 11 ]. A senior policy maker, from the NGO sector commented: “This has negative consequences.…”

In-betweenness and crumbled hopes in Palestine: the global in the local of the occupied territories

“…Hammami (2000), Samara (2001), Tabar and Hanafi (2002), Hanafi andTabar (2003, 2005), Daiq (2005), Le More (2005), Challand (2005Challand ( , 2008a, Jad (2007), and others, have lamented that the rise of NGOs and the Palestinian Authority has resulted in the elimination of the older voluntary, open-access, democratic, mass organization that aimed to mobilize the largest number of people into the national struggle. In their place these authors describe ''a sham democracy based on liberalism, market economy and elitism'' (Daiq 2005: 28).…”

“…According to Jad (2007) and Challand (2008a), the problems caused by the ''NGOization'' of Palestinian social movements have actually ''helped Islamist groups to establish themselves as a powerful and hegemonic force in Palestinian civil society'' (Jad 2007: 623). Although the Islamic political and military sectors remained active, the thrust of activity in the Islamic movement shifted to the social realm, the provision of community services and the promotion of developmental initiatives (Roy 2000: 24).…”

Remapping the Holy Land from the margins: how a Jordanian Evangelical church juggles the ‘local’ and the ‘global’ in the Syrian refugee response

“…In the Levantine context, Hamas' electoral successes in Palestine in the mid-2000s triggered new research on Islamic and Christian charities (Challand 2008). Ruiz de Elvira's (2012) ethnography of Terre des Hommes Syria illustrates the hybrid nature of many faith-based organisations.…”