A’ingae (Cofán)

Repetti-Ludlow, Chiara; Zhang, Haoru; Lucitante, Hugo; AnderBois, Scott; Sanker, Chelsea

doi:10.1017/s0025100319000082

Cited by 9 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…Furthermore, A'ingae has the diphthongs [ai], [oe], [oa], [oi], [ɨi], and [ao]. The consonant inventory, shown in Figure 2, consists of nasals, approximants, a tap, voiceless fricatives, and a three way stop and affricate series consisting of voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, and prenasalized voiced counterparts (Repetti-Ludlow et al 2019).…”

Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

The A'ingae Co-Occurrence Constraint

Repetti-Ludlow

2021

AMP

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Many OT frameworks have been proposed to account for co-occurrence phenomena, including agreement as correspondence (Rose & Walker, 2004) and total and partial identity (Gallagher & Coon, 2009). However, aggressive reduplication (Zuraw, 2002) is best able to account for new data from A'ingae, as it accounts for agreement between whole syllables rather than individual segments. In this paper, I put forward novel co-occurrence data from A'ingae, a language isolate spoken by approximately 1,500 people in Ecuador and Colombia. I then describe how the data can be accounted for using Zuraw's (2002) aggressive reduplication, with only minor modifications. Finally, I consider historical motivations for the existence of this type of co-occurrence pattern.

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Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

The A'ingae Co-Occurrence Constraint

Repetti-Ludlow

2021

AMP

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“…The language is well documented grammatically (Rojas Curieux, 1998; Díaz Montenegro, 2015, 2019; Jung, 2008; Slocum, 1986) and lexically (Slocum & Gerdel, 1983); there are community‐oriented materials and language reinvigoration efforts (Benito del Valle Eskauriaza, 2020; Comunidad de La Paila Naya et al., 2015; Díaz Montenegro, 2017). Neglected for a long time with the exception of basic lexical documentation (Borman, 1976, 2015), the documentary and descriptive situation for A'ingae and Camsá is now massively improved (Fischer, 2007; Fischer & Hengeveld, in press; Fischer & van Lier, 2011; Hengeveld & Fischer, 2018a, 2018b; Jacanamijoy Juajibioy, 2018; O'Brien, 2018; Repetti‐Ludlow et al., 2019; for language documentation of A'ingae see Bai et al., 2017; AnderBois & Silva, 2018; for reinvigoration of A'ingae see Quentama Queta, 2007 and for reinvigoration of Camsá see O'Brien, 2019).…”

Section: Relationships Due To Common Descentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Language classification, language contact and Andean prehistory: The North

Urban

2021

Language and Linguist. Compass

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The northern half of the Andes—from Venezuela to Northern Peru—has seen dramatic losses of language diversity since the 16th century. Even so, the region's linguistic fabric is complex and multifaceted, and the impression of relatively low levels of diversity vis‐à‐vis Amazonia is to a perhaps considerable extent the result of different post‐conquest trajectories rather than a reflection of pre‐existing differences. As in Amazonia, branches of widespread families—Chibchan, Quechuan, but also far western outliers of Cariban—coexist with more local language families—principally Barbacoan and Chocoan—as well as a multitude of isolates, in particular on the eastern lowland‐facing slopes of the Andes. Recent and ongoing projects of language documentation and description, as well as reconstitution of colonial sources, are contributing to profiling the linguistic diversity more sharply and more securely. Even at the present state of research, it is patent that the patchwork of languages of the Northern Andes, where evidence is available, evinces strong hallmarks of micro‐ and meso‐level language contact, leading to the emergence of distinctive profiles on regional levels that call into question the idea of a reified ‘Andean’ language type. Furthermore, there is a striking signal of spatially structured typological variation throughout the Andes that is in need of explanation and interdisciplinary contextualization. This article surveys the state of the art on language classification and language contact studies for the Northern Andes, and also discusses how they may inform an interdisciplinary prehistory.

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“…A'ingae allows for contrastive stress specification on verbal roots (1a) as well as functional morphemes (1b), both of which may result in minimal pairs. Phonetically, stress correlates most robustly with duration and pitch (Repetti-Ludlow et al 2019). 1

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A'ingae syllable structure is (C)V(V)() 4 . For the complete phonemic inventory, see Repetti-Ludlow et al (2019). 5 The language shows limited regressive and robust progressive nasal spreading.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Dominance is non-representational: evidence from A'ingae verbal stress

Dąbkowski

2021

Phonology

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A'ingae (or Cofán) is a language isolate spoken in the Ecuadorian and Colombian Amazon. This study presents a description and analysis of the language's morphologically conditioned verbal stress assignment. Specifically, I show that A'ingae verbal morphemes can be classified with two binary parameters: the presence or absence of prestressing and the presence or absence of stress deletion (i.e. dominance), which vary independently. I formalise my analysis in Cophonology Theory, a non-representational theory of the phonology–morphology interface, which captures morpheme-specific phonology with constraint rankings particularised to morphological constructions. I argue that while non-representational approaches such as Cophonology Theory can handle the facts of A'ingae stress deletion straightforwardly, representational approaches lack the expressive power necessary to capture the stress facts of the language.

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A’ingae (Cofán)

Cited by 9 publications

References 8 publications

The A'ingae Co-Occurrence Constraint

The A'ingae Co-Occurrence Constraint

Language classification, language contact and Andean prehistory: The North

Dominance is non-representational: evidence from A'ingae verbal stress

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