A longitudinal test of the gender turnover model among U.S. House and Senate members

Abstract

eS789 the experienced raters was found to be 0.48 with a novice rater ICC of 0.48 as well. The ICC between all the raters was 0.33. Conclusion(s):This constitutes poor reliability. The poor reliability of the technique testing the length of LD was identified and addressed in order for adequate usage thereof, in research and in practice. Recommendations of a new technique to test the length of LD were provided by the researcher.A suggestion was made regarding a manner of testing its reliability.Implications: A reliable technique for assessing the length of the Latissimus Dorsi muscle will add to objectivity and consistency in the assessment as well as the management of human movement related musculo-skelatal conditions.

The Missing Fingerprints: U.S. Women Legislators and International Development Aid

“…However, critical mass theories have historically been contested (Sarah and Mona, 2008) with some arguing that gender differences are actually more likely to manifest when women are fewer in number (Crowley, 2004). We also note that despite women's underrepresentation in the U.S. Congress, many studies do find evidence of gendered differences in behavior (Swers, 2002;Pearson and Dancey, 2011;Dietrich et al, 2019;Frederick, 2015).…”

“…For example, Swers (1998a) finds that after accounting for par-tisanship, district characteristics, and a host of other controls, Congresswomen are more likely to vote in support of women's issues bills. Likewise, Frederick (2015) finds that while men and women who represent similar districts have "virtually indistinguishable voting records on the liberal-conservative policy dimension," women are more supportive of legislation dealing with women's interests than men (pg. 103).…”

“…For example, Swers (1998) finds that after accounting for partisanship, district characteristics, and a host of other controls, congresswomen are more likely to vote in support of women’s issues bills. Likewise, Frederick (2015, 103) finds that while men and women who represent similar districts have “virtually indistinguishable voting records on the liberal-conservative policy dimension,” women are more supportive of legislation dealing with women’s interests than men. While not necessarily categorized as a women’s issue in much of the literature, we note that development aid is often related to women’s issues through its impact on women, children, and issues such as education and health care.…”

Ideology and Polarization Among Women State Legislators

“…A Maryland Republican woman looks quite ideologically similar to an Oklahoma Democratic woman. Though generalized patterns of voting are not the same as women's and men's actions on specific votes about women's policy (see Frederick ), these variations in women legislators’ ideologies across states may have significant policy implications.…”

“…Certainly, recent work in both Congress and the U.S. states moves away from the assumption that all women legislators represent women's interests and into distinctions among partisan women (e.g., Osborn ; Reingold ; Swers , ), critical actors (e.g., Childs and Krook ), and refined definitions of “women's issues” (e.g., Reingold and Swers ). As Swers () shows in her analysis of voting in the U.S. House, one's general ideological score does not necessarily predict support for a particular women's issue vote (see also Frederick ). However, we argue that the increasing polarization among women legislators that we uncover here has implications for women's representation and public policy.…”