A model for immigrants? The Swedish corporate model and the prevention of ethnic discrimination

Graham, Mark; Soininen, Maritta

doi:10.1080/1369183x.1998.9976648

Cited by 9 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…However, a consensual and corporatist social model also has intrinsic weaknesses. This has been suggested by Graham and Soininen (1998), who argue that within another Nordic country, Sweden, anti-discrimination measures came late (in 1994) precisely because of the cooperative and corporate nature of the industrial relations system. For the previous 20 years, it had been argued that ethnic discrimination issues were best handled by peak-level agreement rather than by law, in line with the 'voluntarist' nature of the Swedish model.…”

Section: Conflict and Consensusmentioning

confidence: 95%

Trade Union Responses to Immigrants and Ethnic Inequality in Denmark and the UK: the Context of Consensus and Conflict

Wrench¹

2004

European Journal of Industrial Relations

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This article uses interviews with trade union activists in the UK and Denmark to explore union policies towards immigrant and ethnic minority members in each country. Danish policies emphasize education, communication, and awareness-raising, while the British focus on the structures of racism and exclusion, and the need for anti-discrimination and positive action policies. The article suggests that the contrast between the consensus and conflict frames of reference, and the quality of the national political discourse are factors which aid our understanding of these national differences.

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Section: Conflict and Consensusmentioning

confidence: 95%

Trade Union Responses to Immigrants and Ethnic Inequality in Denmark and the UK: the Context of Consensus and Conflict

Wrench¹

2004

European Journal of Industrial Relations

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“…Sweden and the UK both legally prohibit discrimination by race and ethnicity (as indeed all EU countries are now required to), but the UK has much more long‐standing anti‐discrimination legislation, dating to the 1970s. Anti‐discrimination legislation in Sweden, on the other hand, has been particularly weak in terms of recruitment of job candidates (Graham and Soininen, 1998). So if mass opinion represents well the discrimination immigrants face, then Sweden is probably better at equalizing opportunities between immigrant and native‐born workers, but if formal legislation is critical (and we have good reason to believe that it might be), then the UK might be better in this regard.…”

Section: Institutional Contexts and Expectationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Immigrant Wage Disadvantage in Sweden and the United Kingdom: Wage Structure and Barriers to Opportunity

Kesler

2010

International Migration Review

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This article examines immigrant/native‐born wage inequalities among workers in two Western European countries: Sweden, social democratic and with comparatively low wage dispersion, and the United Kingdom, economically liberal and with comparatively high wage dispersion. The analysis includes immigrants from 26 countries of origin. Findings demonstrate that inequalities in terms of real wages are smaller in more egalitarian Sweden. However, in terms of relative positions within the labor market, inequalities are if anything smaller in the UK. These findings highlight the role of wage dispersion in magnifying immigrant disadvantage, but also the limits of wage compression for ameliorating barriers to immigrant opportunity.

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“…Some researchers have defined Sweden as semi-multicultural because citizens in general place slightly higher importance on having a civic national identity than on multiple national identities (Hjerm, 1998). Immigrant citizens and immigrants who live in Sweden but choose not to be citizens (termed 'denizens', Graham and Soininen, 1998) can vote in local and regional elections but not national elections. However, voter turnout among immigrants is considerably lower than among native-born citizens (Togeby, 1999).…”

Section: Data Sourcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Immigrant and native-born adolescents’ civic knowledge and attitudes in Sweden and the United States: Emergent citizenship within developmental niches

Barber

Torney‐Purta

Wilkenfeld

et al. 2015

Research in Comparative and International Education

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Using the Developmental Niche for Emergent Participatory Citizenship (Torney-Purta and Amadeo, 2011) as a framework, we examined differences between immigrant and native-born youth's civic knowledge and support for women's rights in Sweden and the United States, and explored whether experiences with peers and parents, and in formal and informal educational contexts, could account for such differences. Using data from the IEA Civic Education Study of 1999, we found that immigrants had lower civic knowledge and less support for women's rights than their native-born peers in both countries. Differences in civic knowledge were partially explained in both countries by the lower likelihood of immigrants speaking the tested language at home, and remaining gaps were moderated by differences in the association of school activities with knowledge between the two groups. Gaps in support for women's rights were partially explained by differences in language spoken at home (a possible proxy for cultural dissimilarity) in the United States, but not in Sweden. Experiences in various social or educational contexts, including perceptions of

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A model for immigrants? The Swedish corporate model and the prevention of ethnic discrimination

Cited by 9 publications

References 5 publications

Trade Union Responses to Immigrants and Ethnic Inequality in Denmark and the UK: the Context of Consensus and Conflict

Trade Union Responses to Immigrants and Ethnic Inequality in Denmark and the UK: the Context of Consensus and Conflict

Immigrant Wage Disadvantage in Sweden and the United Kingdom: Wage Structure and Barriers to Opportunity

Immigrant and native-born adolescents’ civic knowledge and attitudes in Sweden and the United States: Emergent citizenship within developmental niches

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