1994
DOI: 10.1017/s0007123400006955
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A New Spatial Theory of Party Competition: Uncertainty, Ideology and Policy Equilibria Viewed Comparatively and Temporally

Abstract: This article considers how parties can decide on policy when there is no reliable information about the effect of these decisions on voting. Where this is the case they must base their stands on a priori assumptions about appropriate priorities, namely on political ideologies. These indicate the general policy area a party should occupy, but do not give detailed guidance on which position to take within it. Five different ways of deciding on this, within ideological constraints, are specified. The predictions … Show more

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Cited by 393 publications
(340 citation statements)
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“…They further suggest that the spatial modeling framework helps us understand electoral competition not only in advanced but also in newer democracies (see also Rohrschneider and Whitefield 2009). More specifically, our results have important implications for party strategies in relatively new democracies (Budge 1994;Laver 2005; see also Budge, Ezrow, and McDonald 2010). In these democraciescharacterized by unstable party systems (Birch 2003;Powell and Tucker 2013;Rose and Mishler 2010;van Biezen 2003;Tavits 2005), uncertainty about how election outcomes are translated into governing coalitions (Druckman and Roberts 2007;Grzymala-Busse 2001;Tzelgov 2011), and uncertainty about how governing coalitions formulate policy-citizens reward parties that present extreme party positions, because these parties are more successful at communicating clear policy stances than moderate parties.…”
mentioning
confidence: 79%
“…They further suggest that the spatial modeling framework helps us understand electoral competition not only in advanced but also in newer democracies (see also Rohrschneider and Whitefield 2009). More specifically, our results have important implications for party strategies in relatively new democracies (Budge 1994;Laver 2005; see also Budge, Ezrow, and McDonald 2010). In these democraciescharacterized by unstable party systems (Birch 2003;Powell and Tucker 2013;Rose and Mishler 2010;van Biezen 2003;Tavits 2005), uncertainty about how election outcomes are translated into governing coalitions (Druckman and Roberts 2007;Grzymala-Busse 2001;Tzelgov 2011), and uncertainty about how governing coalitions formulate policy-citizens reward parties that present extreme party positions, because these parties are more successful at communicating clear policy stances than moderate parties.…”
mentioning
confidence: 79%
“…Following Budge's (1994) work on party competition, several scholars have argued that election results constitute an important signal of these preferences and should, thus, affect strategic decisions made by candidates and parties (Adams et al, 2004;Somer-Topcu, 2009). When making these decisions, parties only have information about their past policy shifts and how these shifts were rewarded or punished at the polls.…”
Section: Elections and Party Positionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Moreover, the degree and direction of these shifts depends on the type of party as well as their internal organization (Adams et al, 2006;Schumacher, Vries, and Vis, 2013). Elections should play a crucial role in this process since they signal the preferences of the electorate to parties, and, thus, influence parties' future policy positions (Budge, 1994). Yet, several scholars who have empirically investigated if parties adapt their position according to previous election results have presented evidence supporting and refuting this hypothesis (Adams, 2012;Ezrow, Vries, et al, 2011;Somer-Topcu, 2009).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Adams and Somer-Topcu (2009, 828) suggest that, in spatial models where parties have full information, the vote share of a party depends largely on the positions that its most proximate competitors take. Similarly, Budge (1994) and Laver (2005) suggest that parties develop their issue-based strategies mainly by looking at their close rivals, which Budge (1994, 454) terms 'marker parties'.…”
Section: Electoral Incentivesmentioning
confidence: 99%