A Paradox of Integration? Interracial Contact, Prejudice Reduction, and Perceptions of Racial Discrimination

Dixon, John; Durrheim, Kevin; Tredoux, Colin; Tropp, Linda R.; Clack, Beverley; Eaton, Liberty

doi:10.1111/j.1540-4560.2010.01652.x

Cited by 187 publications

(201 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…Accordingly, Black South-Africans' positive attitudes toward White South-Africans correlated with less perceived discrimination (Dixon et al, 2010).…”

Section: Demobilizing Effects Of Positive Contactmentioning

confidence: 94%

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Intergroup Contact and Social Change

Reimer

Becker

Benz

et al. 2016

Pers Soc Psychol Bull

173

138

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Previous research has shown that (1) positive intergroup contact with an advantaged group can discourage collective action among disadvantaged-group members and (2) positive intergroup contact can encourage advantaged-group members to take action on behalf of disadvantaged outgroups. Two studies investigated the effects of negative as well as positive intergroup contact.Study 1 (N = 482) found that negative but not positive contact with heterosexual people was associated with sexual-minority students' engagement in collective action (via group identification and perceived discrimination). Among heterosexual students, positive and negative contact were associated with, respectively, more and less LGB activism. Study 2 (N = 1,469) found that only negative contact (via perceived discrimination) predicted LGBT students' collective action intentions longitudinally while only positive contact predicted heterosexual/cisgender students'LGBT activism. Implications for the relationship between intergroup contact, collective action, and social change are discussed.

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“…Accordingly, Black South-Africans' positive attitudes toward White South-Africans correlated with less perceived discrimination (Dixon et al, 2010).…”

Section: Demobilizing Effects Of Positive Contactmentioning

confidence: 94%

“…These findings contradict earlier research demonstrating the demobilizing effects of intergroup contact. Importantly, however, the current study measured contact valence as a bidimensional construct while most previous research relied on uni-dimensional measures such as contact quality (e.g., Dixon et al, 2010) …”

Section: Study 1a: Lgb+ Respondentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intergroup Contact and Social Change

Reimer

Becker

Benz

et al. 2016

Pers Soc Psychol Bull

173

138

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Intergroup attitudes were assessed using three items adapted from prior research (Dixon et al, 2010b;Wright & Lubensky, 2009), in which participants responded to 10-point semantic differential scales to indicate the extent to which they generally feel positive-negative, cold-warm, and hostile-friendly toward the other community ( = .93 among Protestants, .94 among Catholics).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Intergroup contact and the potential for post-conflict reconciliation: Studies in Northern Ireland and South Africa.

Tropp¹,

Hawi²,

O’Brien³

et al. 2017

Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology

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With surveys of Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland, and Whites and Blacks in South Africa, this research examines how both contact quality and exposure to intergroup conflict predict attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors relevant to intergroup reconciliation. Across both studies, contact of higher quality predicted more positive intergroup attitudes, trust, more positive perceptions of outgroup intentions in working toward peace, and greater engagement in reconciliation efforts. These effects were observed when controlling for exposure to conflict-related violence in one's neighborhood growing up, and the extent to which one has personally suffered due to the conflict. Implications of these findings for future work on intergroup contact and reconciliation efforts are discussed.

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“…In a provocative series of book chapters, however, Steve Wright and his colleagues have complicated this simple story (e.g., see Wright, 2001;Wright & Baray, 2012;Wright & Lubensky, 2009), opening up a new tradition of research on the so-called ironic (Dixon et al, 2010b) or sedative (Cakal, Hewstone, Schwar, & Heath, 2011) effects of prejudice reduction on collective action. They argue that the surface complementarity of these models belies deeper social psychological -and indeed political -tensions that may ultimately prove irreconcilable.…”

Section: Relationship Between the Two Models Of Changementioning

confidence: 99%

“…This evidence has been gathered from research conducted in the United States (Glasford & Calcagno, 2011;Tropp, Hawi, van Laar, & Levin 2012;Taush, Saguy, & Bryson, in press), South Africa (Cakal, 2011;Dixon et al, 2007Dixon et al, , 2010b, Israel (Saguy, Tausch, Dovidio & Pratto, 2009;Saugy & Chernyak-Hai, 2012), India (Tausch, Saguy, & Singh, 2009), and New Zealand (Sengupta & Sibley, 2013). It has used an array of research designs, types of intergroup relations, and political indicators relevant to collective action; and it has produced a broadly convergent set of findings (see also Tropp et al,Chapter 20,this titile).…”

Section: Relationship Between the Two Models Of Changementioning

confidence: 99%

From Prejudice Reduction to Collective Action: Two Psychological Models of Social Change (and How to Reconcile Them)

Dixon¹,

Durrheim²,

Stevenson³

et al. 2016

The Cambridge Handbook of the Psychology of Prejudice

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Even when the social order appears intractable, social change is constantly unfolding all around us, finding expression in the accumulation of small acts of resistance as much as in dramatic moments of revolution. Psychologists should take interest in the dynamics of social change, whether mundane or dramatic, for at least two reasons. First, the explanation of when and why change occurs -or fails to occurrequires analysis of ordinary people's thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. To understand fully the conditions under which people act in ways that support or challenge the status quo, we simply cannot afford to overlook the role of psychological factors. Second and related, processes of social change invite us to (re)appraise the moral and political implications of psychological knowledge. How do we reduce discrimination against others? When do we recognize and challenge social inequality and when do we accept or even endorse it? How can we create more inclusive forms of identity and community? Such questions elide the traditional division between scholarship and advocacy. They require us to demonstrate how psychological knowledge helps create a more just and tolerant society. Perhaps less comfortably, they require us to recognize how our discipline may be complicit in maintaining social inequalities.In this chapter, we discuss two psychological models of social change, namely prejudice reduction and collective action. Both models focus on the problem of "-improving relations between groups to reduce social inequality and discrimination. However, they propose different psychological pathways to the achievement of this goal and prioritize different core questions. As we shall see, the prejudice reduction model primarily addresses the question "How can we get individuals to like one another more?" whereas the collective action model primarily addresses the question "How can we get individuals to mobilize together to challenge inequality?"The first section of the chapter elaborates the fundamental principles and underlying assumptions of these models. The second section explores the relationship between the two models of change, focusing on the allegation that prejudice reduction exerts counterproductive effects on collective action. The chapter's 481

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A Paradox of Integration? Interracial Contact, Prejudice Reduction, and Perceptions of Racial Discrimination

Cited by 187 publications

References 22 publications

Intergroup Contact and Social Change

Intergroup Contact and Social Change

Intergroup contact and the potential for post-conflict reconciliation: Studies in Northern Ireland and South Africa.

From Prejudice Reduction to Collective Action: Two Psychological Models of Social Change (and How to Reconcile Them)

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