A Perceptually-Driven Account of Onset-Sensitive Stress

Gordon, Matthew

doi:10.1007/s11049-004-8874-9

Cited by 54 publications

(81 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…Kager's concern is ternary rhythm in languages such as Finnish, which is sometimes analyzed as a resolution of two conflicting pressures: avoidance of stress lapses/unfooted syllable strings and avoidance of foot clashes. The constraints against stress lapses have been argued to come in several varieties, some of which penalize short lapses and others longer ones (Steriade 1997;Elenbaas and Kager 1999;McCarthy 2003;Gordon 2005), but there has not been as much discussion of gradience in stress clash effects. Russian is an interesting case because there is no general avoidance of stress lapses in its stress phonology, so the effects of stress clash are independently visible.…”

Section: Implications For the Phonological Treatment Of Stress Clashmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…According to this categorical characterization, clash would arise in (1a) if the left-hand compound stems were stressed, but stresses are suffciently far apart in (1b). 1 The question of whether the anti-clash constraint is gradient or categorical is of general interest in metrical stress theory: there are several proposals for differential anti-lapse constraints that penalize lapses of longer lengths more severely than lapses of shorter lengths (Steriade 1997;Gordon 2005;McCarthy 2007), but there has been relatively little discussion of differential anticlash constraints (Liberman and Prince 1977;Nespor and Vogel 1989;Kager 1994;Pater 2000;Alber 2005). Our proposal, based on the Russian pattern, is in Section 5.5.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Gouskova¹,

Roon

2013

Laboratory Phonology

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Russian normally does not have secondary stress, but it is variably realized in compounds. We examined the factors that contribute to secondary stress realization in a rating study, where listeners were asked to rate compounds pronounced without secondary stress and with secondary stress in various locations. We refine some generalizations from impressionistic descriptions: in compounds whose left-hand stems have mobile lexical stress, acceptability of secondary stress decreases with token frequency of the compound, and acceptability of pronunciations without stress increases with frequency. Ratings improve as distance between stresses increases, and this effect is gradient rather than categorical. We also identify new generalizations about secondary stress that relates to the properties of the left-hand stem. First, we identify a faithfulness effect: stress realization is optional on lexically stressed stems, but stress movement is strongly penalized. Second, we identify a sonority sequencing effect: secondary stress is not tolerated well on linker vowels in compounds, but acceptability improves significantly when the linker is the only vowel in a stem with a falling sonority cluster. Thus, the stress system distinguishes clusters with falling sonority from other types.

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Section: Implications For the Phonological Treatment Of Stress Clashmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Gouskova¹,

Roon

2013

Laboratory Phonology

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“…The pattern in Moro is similar to stress systems that show both rime and onset sensitivity (de Lacy 2001;Goedemans 1998;Gordon 2005). In these languages, syllable types that preferentially bear H tone (or stress) fall in a scale: (C)VC > CV > V, where a light onsetless syllable is a dispreferred stress bearer.…”

Section: Vowel-initial Verb Rootsmentioning

confidence: 56%

“…We employ a constraint against light onsetless syllables bearing high tone, after Kawu (2000). See de Lacy (2001) and Gordon (2005) The domain of this constraint is the D-stem, thereby excluding the initial subject marker as an onset for purposes of licensing H tone. A similar type of word-internal vowel-initial restriction is found in Kinande reduplication (Downing 2000;Mutaka 1994;Mutaka and Hyman 1990), in which root-initial vowels are not included as part of the reduplicant, despite having onsets.…”

Section: Vowel-initial Verb Rootsmentioning

confidence: 99%

High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Jenks

Rose

2011

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper presents a description and analysis of the tonal system of Moro, a Kordofanian language of Sudan, showing that the distribution of H(igh) tone is sensitive to a number of morphological and prosodic factors. First, we demonstrate that the distribution of H on nouns is sensitive to the OCP, both within roots and with affixes. Nouns also exhibit lexical distinctions between forms that exhibit unbounded rightward spreading of H and those that show no spreading. We model this distinction using cophonologies. While the distribution of H on Moro verb stems bears someWe are immensely grateful to our Moro speakers, Elyasir Julima and Ikhlas Elahmer, for sharing their language with us. We thank audiences at the 45 th Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, the Annual Conference on African Linguistics 37 and 40, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Florida, the University of California, Santa Barbara and Harvard University for useful feedback and comments. We appreciate in-depth comments and discussion from Eric Baković, Larry Hyman, Victor Manfredi, Andrew Nevins, David Odden, and participants in the San Diego Phonology Interest Group and UCSD Phonetics Laboratory meetings. The members of the Moro Language Project, particularly Farrell Ackerman and George Gibbard, helped in numerous, immeasurable ways in both checking the data and refining the analysis. Finally, two anonymous reviewers and the associate editors, Michael Kenstowicz and Junko Itô, provided us with challenging comments and advice for improving the paper, for which we are grateful. Portions of Sect. 4 of this paper will appear with a slightly different analysis under the title 'Syllable weight and high tone in Moro' in Proceedings from the Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society 45. This material is based upon research supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0745973 'Moro Language Project'. Any opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation (NSF). P. Jenks ( ) Department of Linguistics, Harvard University, 3rd Floor, Boylston Hall, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA e-mail: pjenks@fas.harvard.edu S. Rose Department of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego, 9500 Gilman Drive #108, La Jolla, CA 92093-0108, USA e-mail: rose@ling.ucsd.edu 212 P. Jenks, S. Rose similarities to nouns, crucial differences emerge. Rightward H tone spreading is binary on verbs, and sensitive to the weight of the syllable in terms of both the presence of an onset and a coda. We model this effect as H tone spreading within a binary foot. Furthermore, unlike nouns, underlying representations play little role in the distribution of H on verb roots. H tone is predictably distributed within a morphological category, the derived stem (D-stem), similar to a constituent recognized in Bantu languages (e.g. Downing 2000). Finally, we analyze competition between H associated with ...

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“…The Mura language is now extinct. Nowadays the Mura people are monolinguals, speaking only Brazilian Portuguese (Amoroso, 2009 Sheldon (1974Sheldon ( , 1988, Sandalo (1989), Keren Everett (1998), Topintzi (2004, Gordon (2005) -most of these on Pirahã phonology -the most complete 13 Personally, I could briefly access the Pirahã cosmology in my last fieldwork. One day, I inquired Kobio Pirahã, an elder, about the identity of the entity xigagai (see Gonçalves, 2001).…”

Section: General Aspects Of the Pirahã Grammarmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding Recursion and Looking for Self-Embedding in Pirahã: The Case of Possessive Constructions

SALLES¹

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A Perceptually-Driven Account of Onset-Sensitive Stress

Cited by 54 publications

References 36 publications

Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Understanding Recursion and Looking for Self-Embedding in Pirahã: The Case of Possessive Constructions

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