A Political History of Western Europe Since 1945

Urwin, Derek W.

doi:10.4324/9781315843063

Cited by 8 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…Clearly, policy makers realized early on that the implementation of the ‘Common European Market’ would have far-reaching implications for the governance of migration, as well as for the governance of labor, security, social and environmental protection, and thus for ‘the governance of life and death’ in general (cf. Urwin, 1991).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The raced constitution of Europe: The Eurobarometer and the statistical imagination of European racism

Slootweg

Reekum

Schinkel

2019

European Journal of Cultural Studies

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Centering upon the first Europe-wide public opinion survey of racism, carried out by the Eurobarometer in 1988, this article explores how studying European public opinion research can shed light on what we call the raced constitution of Europe. Based on an analysis of this Eurobarometer survey, we scrutinize how Eurobarometer opinion polling involves a constant scale-switching through which 'Europe' and 'racism' are co-produced. As we argue, techniques of European opinion polling contributed to the imagination of a 'European' ideological whole, from which stabilized categories of 'non-European others' were excluded. By creating an opposition between 'democratic Europe' and 'individualized xenophobia', racism was enacted as a lower class attitude 'not of Europe' and as a permanent rem(a) inder of the past that serves to legitimate the project of European integration.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The raced constitution of Europe: The Eurobarometer and the statistical imagination of European racism

Slootweg

Reekum

Schinkel

2019

European Journal of Cultural Studies

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“…Thus, the level of trade between a pair of states will be influenced by their relationship with interested third-party states. After World War II, the USA ‘had a decisive influence upon West European moves towards closer collaboration and integration’ by facilitating the creation of the European Economic Community (Urwin, 2014: 13). The EEC established free trade zones and later developed into one of the pillars of the EU.…”

Section: Theory: How Indirect Alliances Influence Tradementioning

confidence: 99%

Alliance networks and trade

Haim

2016

Journal of Peace Research

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How does the network of international political alliances influence trade flows? Previous work suggests that alliances matter in predicting trade outcomes because governments align trade policies with national security interests and firms take political relations between states into account when assessing risk. However, work to date investigates only the relationship between direct political alliances and trade, which ignores the complexity of international alliance structures. In this article, I argue that states and firms not only consider direct political relationships when shaping international trade, but also focus crucially on indirect alliance relationships. I find that higher levels of trade result when states have more shared alliances and when they are in the same alliance community. Once these indirect relationships are accounted for, the apparent association of dyadic alliances with trade is drastically reduced. Joint membership in an alliance community predicts an increase in trade that is more than twice the increase associated with a dyadic alliance. This effect is magnified when considering highly 'central' states in the alliance network. States trade significantly more with central states in their own alliance community and less with central states in other communities.

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“…Not only does Germany lack any executive powers within the EU, as the complex relations with the Commission or the European Central Bank (ECB) as well as difficult rounds of intergovernmental bargaining illustrate (Schimmelfennig, 2014; Puetter, 2012), but it is also less visibly predominant in “external” affairs, especially when it comes to the area of defense, in which France and the United Kingdom, for instance, appear more prominent. Second, although Schmitt emphasizes the importance of a regional economic space for the establishment of a Großraum , his concept of integration is ultimately political, thus failing to capture the crucial significance of an encompassing economic, legal, cultural, administrative, and technological integration at the core of Europe’s integration after WWII (Urwin, 2014). Thus, despite some features of a soft hegemony in particular policy areas, the complex internal architecture of the EU between intergovernmental politics and collective institutions escapes Schmitt’s Großraum concept.…”

Section: Politics After the State: Carl Schmitt’s Großraum Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Between regional community and global society: Europe in the shadow of Schmitt and Kojève

Rech

Grzybowski

2016

Journal of International Political Theory

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While celebrated for bringing peace and prosperity to the region, European integration has been recently challenged by various internal and external crises that call the progressivist narrative of ever closer—and larger—union into question. Torn between regional community and global society, particularism and cosmopolitanism, and politics and technocracy, the European Union appears beset by fundamental tensions. In search of a different theoretical perspective on “the crisis,” some commentators have drawn on Carl Schmitt’s political theory to emphasize key issues concerning political decisions, identities, and boundaries in Europe. Yet, Schmitt comes with his own blind spots. For the purpose of a critical engagement with Schmitt’s potential insights and their limits, this article contrasts his approach with that of his contemporary Alexandre Kojève, who envisioned the integration of world society through economy, law, technology, and administration, a perspective not unfamiliar to the original story of European integration. In reconsidering the dialectic between Schmitt’s and Kojève’s positions, this article goes beyond their apparent contradictions and discusses attempts by both authors to reconcile the opposition, from Kojève’s move to Empires to Schmitt’s theory of the union, thereby illuminating deep-seated dilemmas of contemporary European politics which fundamentally condition its trajectory between contestation and re-constitution.

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A Political History of Western Europe Since 1945

Cited by 8 publications

References 0 publications

The raced constitution of Europe: The Eurobarometer and the statistical imagination of European racism

The raced constitution of Europe: The Eurobarometer and the statistical imagination of European racism

Alliance networks and trade

Between regional community and global society: Europe in the shadow of Schmitt and Kojève

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