A Strategy Based on Doubt: Russia Courts Southeast Europe

Fatić, Aleksandar

doi:10.1080/13523260.2010.521693

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…The EU member states once considered role models for the WBCs, such as Greece, turned into warning signs of EU membership without a deeper transformation. As the EU turned inwards and the inflow of European capital waned, the WBCs sought other financing alternatives (Bechev 2012), enabling Russia (Fatić 2010;Bieri 2015;Nelaeva and Semenov 2016), China (Tonchev 2017;Grgić 2019), and Turkey (Türbedar 2011;Petrović and Reljić 2011) to project their interests in the region.…”

Section: The Western Balkans' Slow Path Towards Eu Accessionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Western Balkans and the EU budget: the effects of enlargement

Rant

Mrak

Marinč

2020

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies

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The Western Balkan region needs credible European development prospects to break the cycle of enlargement and accession fatigue and to speed up regional adjustment to the EU. Post-accession EU budget flows can provide the necessary funding for such prospects. This article assesses the expected changes in the size and composition of EU budget flows to the Western Balkan countries after their EU accession. Our results show a sudden and substantial increase in gross and net flows, which gradually intensifies over several years before levelling off. EU budget flows are economically important relative to the size of the Western Balkan economies, and their composition is strongly biased towards development policies. We also find that Western Balkan enlargement comes at a minimal budgetary cost for the remaining EU member states. Our findings can help reduce scepticism behind the Western Balkan countries' accession fatigue and the EU's enlargement fatigue.

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Section: The Western Balkans' Slow Path Towards Eu Accessionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Western Balkans and the EU budget: the effects of enlargement

Rant

Mrak

Marinč

2020

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies

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“…Povelje ODKB izričito naglašava da je svrha organizacije da omogući kolektivnu odbranu nezavisnosti, teritorijalnog integriteta i suvereniteta članica. 12 Takođe, u obe organizacije odlučno se negira mogućnost udruživanja protiv bilo koje države ili grupe država. Štaviše, u osnivačkom aktu ŠOS istaknuto je da zajedničko delovanje nije usmereno protiv drugih država ili međunarodnih organizacija.…”

Section: Bezbednosne Organizacije Nastale Na Evroazijskom Prostoru Kaunclassified

Euro-Asian security integrations and security of the Balkans and Serbia

Djukanovic¹,

Gajic²

2012

Medjunar probl

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The authors analyze the range of security integrations in the post-Soviet area and their impact on security of the broader Euro-Asian region, the Balkans and Serbia. In that regard, they point to the main organizational aspects of security co-operation in the Euro-Asian space that have primarily resulted from the autochthonous initiatives from the states in the region within which they plan or develop specific common forces. The most significant results have been achieved within the Collective Security Organization (CSTO) that was established on the initiative of Russia and a part of the former Soviet Republics, as well as within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which was established on the initiative of Russia and China. Special emphasis in the paper is given to the security aspects of acting of the organizations mentioned above and their influence on Serbia and the Balkans, taking into consideration, above all, energy security

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“…In his analysis, Aleksandar Fatić rightly observes that "[t]he visit marked a sharp turn…, with the new and more assertive rhetoric suggesting Russia's willingness to engage in 'infighting' the Western military and energy security interests." 74 For both Medvedev and Konuzin, it was important to assure the Serbs that "Kosovo echoes in the hearts of all Russians with the same pain as it does in your hearts." 75 In terms of further clarification of the Russian position, it did not take long before Konuzin decided that it was needed to warn the Serbian authorities that their country could not join NATO and count on endless Russian support -a standpoint expected to send a signal that NATO membership would affect the previously promised support.…”

Section: Russia and Kosovo's Proclamation Of Independencementioning

confidence: 99%

Russia’s Involvement in the Kosovo Case: Defending Serbian Interests or Securing Its Own Influence in Europe?

Radeljić¹

2017

Region

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This article examines Russia's involvement in the Kosovo question. It shows that the Russian leadership has generally favored the Serbian authorities, but more importantly for its own influence, that it felt the urge to oppose the 1999 NATO intervention and the post-interventionist Western rhetoric. The argument that Russia has been primarily concerned with strengthening of its own position and that the involvement in the Kosovo question was expected to serve such an ambition can also be better understood by looking at some recent discrepancies. Namely, the fact that Russia has strongly insisted on the principle of territorial integrity in the case of Serbia, but then completely ignored it in the case of Ukraine, shows that its loud advocacy of Serbian territorial integrity was just a strategic instrument to matter in European official debates, especially when the post-1999 discussions about the Kosovo final status took place.

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A Strategy Based on Doubt: Russia Courts Southeast Europe

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

The Western Balkans and the EU budget: the effects of enlargement

The Western Balkans and the EU budget: the effects of enlargement

Euro-Asian security integrations and security of the Balkans and Serbia

Russia’s Involvement in the Kosovo Case: Defending Serbian Interests or Securing Its Own Influence in Europe?

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