Abstract:perceived by different communities, we employ Faber et al.'s heuristic of the three tele of 8 living nature to search for deficiency in the third telos, service, which we take to be 9 symptomatic of Wicked Problems. Based on field data encoded using the three-tele heuristic, 10 concerning how the respective communities would like to use the park area, we find 11 deficiencies in the third telos and develop recommendations regarding how these might be 12 addressed.
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“…Additionally, a few families from Antioquia moved into the area lured by the prospects of tourism and commerce. Today, unresolved tensions continue between the communities and the park administration regarding the management of local natural resources as local communities depend to various extents on activities that can be seen to be in conflict with the park's conservation objectives, such as fishing, agriculture, forestry, and hunting (Acosta García, Farrell, Heikkinen & Sarkki 2017). Nevertheless, there has also been some degree of synergy between the administration and the Afro‐descendant community.…”
Section: The Peoples Of Utría National Parkmentioning
What is life like after drift‐cocaine arrives in a village on Colombia's Northern Pacific coast? Drift‐cocaine is a side‐effect of the interdiction of drug transport boats heading towards Central and North America as part of the US‐Colombian War on Drugs. Villagers refer to drift‐cocaine as the White Fish. Through ethnographic engagement with Afro‐descendant peoples in Chocó, this article explores the effects and relations that emerge from an ocean turned into an amphitheatre of fishing livelihoods, drug traffickers, and military operations. By taking seriously the White Fish as the way people refer to cocaine, I focus on gossip and rumour as the strategies they employ to discuss the pervasive effects of the drug trade. I trace three interrelated discussions – concerning violence, cocaine, and the White Fish – in order to argue for the usefulness of gossip and rumour in investigative ethnographies of violence.
“…Additionally, a few families from Antioquia moved into the area lured by the prospects of tourism and commerce. Today, unresolved tensions continue between the communities and the park administration regarding the management of local natural resources as local communities depend to various extents on activities that can be seen to be in conflict with the park's conservation objectives, such as fishing, agriculture, forestry, and hunting (Acosta García, Farrell, Heikkinen & Sarkki 2017). Nevertheless, there has also been some degree of synergy between the administration and the Afro‐descendant community.…”
Section: The Peoples Of Utría National Parkmentioning
What is life like after drift‐cocaine arrives in a village on Colombia's Northern Pacific coast? Drift‐cocaine is a side‐effect of the interdiction of drug transport boats heading towards Central and North America as part of the US‐Colombian War on Drugs. Villagers refer to drift‐cocaine as the White Fish. Through ethnographic engagement with Afro‐descendant peoples in Chocó, this article explores the effects and relations that emerge from an ocean turned into an amphitheatre of fishing livelihoods, drug traffickers, and military operations. By taking seriously the White Fish as the way people refer to cocaine, I focus on gossip and rumour as the strategies they employ to discuss the pervasive effects of the drug trade. I trace three interrelated discussions – concerning violence, cocaine, and the White Fish – in order to argue for the usefulness of gossip and rumour in investigative ethnographies of violence.
“…After thirty years, a number of postcolonial tensions between the communities and the park remain over issues concerning the use of the park's natural resources (Acosta García et al. ). The challenges of political ecology in the area are neatly presented in this description given by Jorge, an Embera leader:There are some wise fellows that we call Jaibaná, and that in other regions they call shaman.…”
This photo essay investigates the political ecology of living in and around Utría National Park, in Colombia's Pacific coast region of Chocó. This area is home to Afro‐descendant and indigenous Embera communities. I use the emic concept of “rhythms” to explore networks and temporalities in subtle elements of pictures displaying local livelihoods, places of dwelling, environmental change, and conservation practices. While acknowledging the complex and difficult realities of this area, my aim is to make explicit the networks that, with their rhythms and temporalities, weave and mark the pace of everyday life in the villages. These, in turn, give space to reflect on practices of living with a damaged planet and a postcolonial order.
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