A Theory of Deference Exchange in Police-Civilian Encounters

Sykes, Richard E.; Clark, Jocalyn

doi:10.1086/226109

Cited by 171 publications

(147 citation statements)

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“…This cognitive bias may underlie the "halo effect" often accorded to high status actors (Sine, Shane and Di Gregorio 2003), the tendency of high status individuals to be seen as more competent and powerful (Ridgeway and Berger 1986), or demonstrations of interpersonal deference to high status actors (Sykes and Clark 1975). In contrast, our results also show that under-recognition of quality serves as a barrier to those who lack status.…”

Section: Resultscontrasting

confidence: 42%

“…It also allows high status actors to be somewhat uneven in their performance without losing credibility or esteem in the eyes of evaluators. By expanding the zone of appreciation for high status actors, evaluators make it possible for them to receive more favors or to be given the benefit of the doubt when performance slacks.This cognitive bias may underlie the "halo effect" often accorded to high status actors (Sine, Shane and Di Gregorio 2003), the tendency of high status individuals to be seen as more competent and powerful (Ridgeway and Berger 1986), or demonstrations of interpersonal deference to high status actors (Sykes and Clark 1975). In contrast, our results also show that under-recognition of quality serves as a barrier to those who lack status.…”

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confidence: 42%

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Seeing Stars: Matthew Effects and Status Bias in Major League Baseball Umpiring

2014

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This paper tests the assumption that evaluators are biased to positively evaluate high status individuals, irrespective of quality. Using unique data from Major League Baseball umpires' evaluation of pitch quality, which allow us to observe the difference in a pitch's objective quality and in its perceived quality as judged by the umpire, we show that umpires are more likely to over-recognize quality by expanding the strike zone, and less likely to under-recognize quality by missing pitches in the strike zone for high status pitchers. Ambiguity and the pitcher's reputation as a "control pitcher" moderate the effect of status on umpire judgment. Further, we show that umpire errors resulting from status bias lead to actual performance differences for the pitcher and team.Keywords: Status, Bias, Performance Forthcoming in Management Science2 Social scientists have long understood status to be an indicator of hierarchical position and prestige that helps individuals and organizations procure resources and opportunities for advancement (e.g., Whyte 1943;Podolny 2001;Sauder, Lynn, and Podolny 2012). Status markers, like ranking systems in education (Espeland and Sauder 2007) or awards and prizes (Rossman et al. 2010), accentuate quality differences among actors and create greater socio-economic inequality. Past research has advanced our understanding of how status hierarchies emerge and persist (Berger, Rosenholtz, and Zelditch 1980;Webster and Hysom 1998;Ridgeway and Correll 2006), on the psychological rewards of status attainment (e.g., Willer 2009;Anderson et al. 2012), on the association of status with characteristics such as race and gender (Ridgeway 1991), or on status outcomes, such as the accumulation of power, price and wage differentials, and other economic and social benefits (Podolny 1993;Benjamin and Podolny 1999;Thye 2000;Correll et al. 2007;Stuart, Hoang, and Hybels 1999;Bothner, Kim, and Smith 2011;Pearce 2011;Waguespack and Sorenson, 2011).In economic sociology, the classic statement of self-reproducing advantages is Robert Merton's (1968) theory of the Matthew Effect. Underlying the Matthew Effect is an assumption that individuals are biased to positively evaluate high status individuals irrespective of quality, and that this bias, rather than actual quality differences, perpetuates inequality between high status and low status actors. Scholars in status characteristics theory have made the case that this bias results from individuals' expectations and prior beliefs about competence and quality (Anderson et al. 2001;Ridgeway and Correll 2006;Berger et al. 1977;Ridgeway and Berger 1986), and experimental and audit studies have identified status characteristics as a mechanism that underlies discriminatory evaluations of low status individuals (e.g., Correll et al. 2007).Despite the evidence emanating from the experimental research in status characteristics studies, scholars studying the Matthew Effect in real world settings have had a more difficult time demonstrating that status bias is a mech...

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Section: Resultscontrasting

confidence: 42%

contrasting

confidence: 42%

Seeing Stars: Matthew Effects and Status Bias in Major League Baseball Umpiring

2014

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“…Second, previous research has been based largely either on such qualitative research methods as anecdotal evidence, participant observation, or case history analysis (Becker, 1962;Glaser and Strauss, 1965;Emerson, 1970;Sykes and Clark, 1976) or on experimental design (Schneider, 1969;Schlenker, 1975Schlenker, , 1980Snyder and Swann, 1976;Elliott, 1979). In contrast, the present study explores this issue by means of sample survey analysis.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 93%

Self-esteem and self-presentation among the young as a function of age and gender

Elliott

1982

J Youth Adolescence

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This study investigated the effect of self-esteem on the tendency to convey a false impression to others by hiding one's feelings behind a facade. Utilizing a sample of youth (ages 8-19), a multiple regression analysis revealed that the lower the self-esteem, the greater the tendency to present a false front. In addition, other aspects of the self-concept, including vulnerability to criticism, self-consciousness, and the tendency to fantasize affect the tendency to present a false front. Furthermore, the nature of the self-esteem/ fabrication relationship is a joint function of age and gender. As age increases, the direct effect of self-esteem on fabrication loses statistical significance, but this loss occurs differently for boys and girls. For boys, the direct effect is significant in pre-adolescence (8-11), but not in early or late adolescence (12-14 and 15-19). For girls, the direct effect is significant in pre- and early adolescence (8-11 and 12-14), but not in late adolescence (15-19). Reasons for the differing patterns for boys and girls are discussed.

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“…In middle-class and affluent communities, a police presence is typically episodic and, on the rare occasions when officers are called to the neighborhood, they are likely to treat residents with a measure of respect (Mastrofski et al 2002;Sykes and Clark 1975;Weitzer 1999). In disadvantaged communities, irrespective of their racial composition, police are less likely to show respect toward residents.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

American Policing Under Fire: Misconduct and Reform

Weitzer

2015

Soc

134

127

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A cluster of recent police killings of African American men has sparked an unprecedented amount of public debate regarding policing in the United States. Critics and protesters have made sweeping allegations about the police; a presidential commission has been formed to study police misconduct; and reforms are being debated. These events provide a backdrop for this article's review of recent poll data and discussion of research regarding police relations with African Americans, Latinos, and whites.

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A Theory of Deference Exchange in Police-Civilian Encounters

Cited by 171 publications

References 9 publications

Seeing Stars: Matthew Effects and Status Bias in Major League Baseball Umpiring

Seeing Stars: Matthew Effects and Status Bias in Major League Baseball Umpiring

Self-esteem and self-presentation among the young as a function of age and gender

American Policing Under Fire: Misconduct and Reform

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