A theory of subfeatural representations: the case of rounding harmony in Laal

Lionnet, Florian

doi:10.1017/s0952675717000276

Cited by 19 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 41 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…In this paper, we compare two current theories of segmental agreement: Agreement-by-Correspondence (Rose & Walker 2004;Bennett 2015) and Agreement-by-Projection (Hansson 2016; see also McMullin 2016;Lionnet 2017), using typological analysis to determine the effects of their differences. Comparison of theoretical proposals requires understanding both their predictions, and also the formal structures, mechanisms, and interactions that give rise to those predictions.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

ABP and ABC: Agreement with/out correspondence

DelBusso

Bennett

2019

PDA

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The same linguistic data can often be analyzed in multiple ways, using different theoretical assumptions. Systematic comparison of the competing analyses requires understanding how the theories give rise to them, and the consequences and predictions implied by each set of assumptions. In this paper, we compare two theories of segmental harmony: Agreement-by-Correspondence (ABC) (Rose & Walker 2004; Hansson 2010; Bennett 2015), and Agreement-by-Projection (ABP) (Hansson 2014). We analyze typologies in each through Property Theory (Alber, DelBusso & Prince 2016; Alber & Prince 2016, in prep.). Typological analysis shows the strong parallelism between the different proposals at both the extensional and intensional levels. Not only do both theories predict the same set of surface distinct languages, but these follow from a similar internal structure. We show how the ABP proposal formally combines two ABC constraints, collapsing the ABC typology along the correspondence/noncorrespondence dimension.

show abstract

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

ABP and ABC: Agreement with/out correspondence

DelBusso

Bennett

2019

PDA

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…In this paper, I contend that gradience may originate in phonology. Second, the outputs of phonology in Lionnet (2017) are categorical, whereas they are clearly gradient here (cf. Flemming 2001;Flemming & Cho 2017;Braver 2013Braver , 2019.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Lionnet's work differs from the present in two key respects: the source of gradience and the outputs of phonology. In Lionnet (2017) gradience originates in phonetics, and is accessed by phonology. In this paper, I contend that gradience may originate in phonology.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gradient morphophonology: Evidence from Uyghur vowel harmony

McCollum

2019

AMP

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

For the Structuralists and early Generativists (e.g. Bloomfield 1933; Chomsky & Halle 1968), all grammatical knowledge was by definition discrete and categorical. Since phonetic patterns are gradient, early work argued that phonetics was extra-grammatical. However, a significant body of work has since shown that phonetic patterns are language-specific and must constitute part of a speaker’s knowledge about their language (e.g. Keating 1985). As a result, linguistic knowledge is not ontologically categorical. For other areas of the grammar, though, much work continues to assume that linguistic knowledge is categorical. In this paper, I investigate the categoricality of phonological patterns using acoustic vowel harmony data from Uyghur. By comparing subphonemic variation in Uyghur with attested patterns of phonetic reduction and interpolation, I demonstrate that gradience is not always derivable from phonetic forces. On these grounds I argue that vowel harmony, and by extension phonology, may be gradient. Furthermore, the claim that gradience plays a larger role in linguistic representations is also supported by a number of descriptive works, which suggest that gradient harmony may occur in a wide range of languages. Building on experimental, and typological evidence, I thus contend that gradience isn’t restricted to phonetics, but pervades both the phonological and phonetic modules of the grammar.

show abstract

“…The tripartite system of number marking described here for Kipsigis is very common in Nilo-Saharan languages (cf. Dimmendaal 2000Dimmendaal , 2014, and it is also attested in some languages from other families spoken in the same geographical area as Nilo-Saharan: Afroasiatic languages of East Africa, such as Sidaama (Kramer and Teferra 2019), the Kordofanian language Katcha (whose genetic affiliation is a matter of debate; Turner 2016, 2018) spoken in Sudan, as well as the language isolate Laal spoken in Chad (Lionnet 2016(Lionnet , 2017. Most of these languages are severely understudied (and virtually unstudied in the theoretical literature), which is why further research is needed before understanding the intricacies of their nominal system.…”

Section: Towards a Typology Of Number-based Noun Classificationmentioning

confidence: 98%

Number-based noun classification

Kouneli

2020

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Nilo-Saharan languages are well-known for their complicated system of nominal number marking, which features a variety of singulative and plural affixes (Dimmendaal 2000). Even though these systems have received some attention in the typological literature, there has been limited theoretical work on their implications for the morphosyntax of number cross-linguistically. The goal of this paper is to fill this gap, by providing an analysis of nominal number morphology in Kipsigis (Nilotic, Kenya), based on data from original fieldwork. First, I show that singulatives in Kipsigis are true allomorphs of singular number, unlike singulatives with a classifier function in languages like Ojibwe (Mathieu 2012). The descriptive term ‘singulative’ is therefore misleading, as it corresponds to two very different types of morphemes. Second, I claim that the tripartite system of number marking of Kipsigis and other Nilo-Saharan languages is due to the classification of nouns into morphosyntactic classes defined by the presence of inherent number features on little n; the interaction of these features with interpretable number features on the functional projection Num (Ritter 1991 a.o.) in the post-syntactic component gives rise to the exponence pattern that we observe. Finally, my analysis corroborates the existence of noun classification based on number, which has only been argued for Kiowa-Tanoan before (Harbour 2007). The existence of three number classes in Kipsigis can only be explained by reference to bivalent number features; number-based noun classification systems thus strongly support the view that number features are bivalent and not privative, which is also argued by Harbour (2007, 2011) for Kiowa.

show abstract

A theory of subfeatural representations: the case of rounding harmony in Laal

Cited by 19 publications

References 41 publications

ABP and ABC: Agreement with/out correspondence

ABP and ABC: Agreement with/out correspondence

Gradient morphophonology: Evidence from Uyghur vowel harmony

Number-based noun classification

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About