Abandoning Coffee under the Threat of Violence and the Presence of Illicit Crops: Evidence from Colombia

Muñoz, Juan Carlos; Verwimp, Philip

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2286748

Cited by 11 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 45 publications

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“…1 By the 1990s, thousands of coffee growers across Colombia began to abandon their farms as violence between guerrilla and paramilitary groups spiked. More than 160,000 coffee farmers were displaced, exacerbating risks of violence from illegal crops like coca and ruining coffee farms (Ibañez, Mora, & Verwimp, 2013). In response, the FNC facilitated a democratic microenvironment by improving negotiation capacity and establishing local-scale economies, providing an institutional backstop against localized violence (Ibañez et al, 2013; Lozano, 2011).…”

Section: The Fnc: History Growth and Internationalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…More than 160,000 coffee farmers were displaced, exacerbating risks of violence from illegal crops like coca and ruining coffee farms (Ibañez, Mora, & Verwimp, 2013). In response, the FNC facilitated a democratic microenvironment by improving negotiation capacity and establishing local-scale economies, providing an institutional backstop against localized violence (Ibañez et al, 2013; Lozano, 2011). These experiences were formative in the FNC’s belief that it can and should be a local peace actor, spending US$3 million since 2005 on local peacebuilding reconciliation, mediation, and reconstruction, including the hiring of ex-combatants at regional offices and FNC headquarters as “strategic social capital that represents a model of peace” (FNC, 2013).…”

Section: The Fnc: History Growth and Internationalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Theorizing Business and Local Peacebuilding Through the “Footprints of Peace” Coffee Project in Rural Colombia

Miklian

Bickel

2018

Business & Society

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Despite emerging study of business initiatives that attempt to support local peace and development, we still have significant knowledge gaps on their effectiveness and efficiency. This article builds theory on business engagements for peace through exploration of the Footprints for Peace (FOP) peacebuilding project by the Federación Nacional de Cafeteros de Colombia (FNC). FOP was a business-peace initiative that attempted to improve the lives of vulnerable populations in conflict-affected regions. Through 70 stakeholder interviews, we show how FOP operationalized local peace and development in four conflict-affected departments of Colombia, and examine FNC’s motivations for and effectiveness of its peacebuilding activities. Our main finding is that FOP’s success supported several existing theories on business engagement in peace both in terms of peacebuilding by business and for local economic and societal development, providing evidence in support of development–business collaborations and local peacebuilding by business under certain targeted circumstances. We relate these findings to existing literature, highlighting where existing business-peace theory is supported, where FOP challenged assumptions, and where it illuminated new research gaps. These findings serve to take business-peace theory forward and improve our understandings of what can constitute success for business-peace initiatives in Colombia and possibly other conflict-affected regions.

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Section: The Fnc: History Growth and Internationalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Fnc: History Growth and Internationalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Theorizing Business and Local Peacebuilding Through the “Footprints of Peace” Coffee Project in Rural Colombia

Miklian

Bickel

2018

Business & Society

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“…Certain assets, such as livestock, are not only more likely to be looted, but they may also increase the risk of being attacked, especially if they are difficult to conceal. The composition of crops is also likely to change as crops whose harvest may be delayed at low cost, such as cassava, may be particularly advantageous in conflict zones (Finnströ m 2003;Rockmore 2012;Ib añez et al 2013). More broadly, conflict-related risk should lead households to avoid otherwise profitable activities with sunk costs, or assets that cannot be easily hidden, transported, or liquidated (Dercon 2008;Arias et al 2014).…”

Section: Risk Shocks and Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is not the first study to examine household responses to insecurity. Studies have examined how households change behaviour during conflict along a variety of dimensions: labor allocation (Fern andez et al 2011;Menon and Rodgers 2011), cropping and livestock holding (McKay and Loveridge 2005;Bundervoet 2007; Bozzoli and Brü ck 2009;Rockmore 2012;Arias et al 2014;Ib añez et al 2013) and investments into businesses (Deininger 2003). This study differs in two important ways.…”

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confidence: 99%

The Cost of Fear: The Welfare Effect of the Risk of Violence in Northern Uganda

Rockmore¹

2016

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Although the effects of insecurity are believed to be important, these have never been directly measured. Previous estimates of the costs of conflict have only captured the joint effect of violence and insecurity. The distinction is important for understanding the origins of the costs and for policy design. Using the spatialtemporal variation in the placement of violence, I create spatially disaggregated measures of insecurity and present the first estimates of the relative causal contributions of the risk and experience of violence. The article also provides the first micro-data based counterpart to the cross-country literature on the costs of conflict.The effects of conflict and, more broadly, of violence on the development process are among the most important and, unfortunately, understudied areas in development economics. One in four people live in fragile and conflict-affected countries, or in countries with very high levels of violence; many more live in countries that recently emerged from conflict. These conditions substantially affect the development process as low income fragile or conflict-affected countries have not achieved a single Millennium Development Goal (MDG) (World Bank 2011).Despite these large and persistent costs, we have only a limited understanding of the origins of these costs, particularly the role of insecurity (i.e., the risk of violence) relative to that of direct exposure to violence. Since the majority of people in conflict and violence-prone countries do not experience violence directly, the near-exclusive focus of the literature on the experience of violence 1 ignores potentially significant losses due to the persistent insecurity and uncertainty. These potential effects of insecurity are largely obscured in current studies. The macroconflict literature finds substantial aggregate economic costs arising from conflict in terms of GDP per capita and GDP per capita growth but cannot explain the

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“…The World Bank Economic Review et al 2011; Menon and Rodgers 2011), cropping and livestock holding (McKay and Loveridge 2005;Bundervoet 2007;Bozzoli and Brü ck 2009;Rockmore 2012;Arias et al 2014;Ib añez et al 2013) and investments into businesses (Deininger 2003). This study differs in two important ways.…”

mentioning

confidence: 94%