2016
DOI: 10.25148/lawrev.12.1.6
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Abortion Travel and the Limits of Choice

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Cited by 3 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…Scholars recognise that there is stigma associated with this enforced travel and that it operates as a hard barrier to access (Erdman, 2016; Pruitt & Vanegas, 2014; Statz & Pruitt, 2019). That women and pregnant people must travel long distances to access abortion care is a ‘private burden they must bear, not a public responsibility of the state’ (Kelly, 2016, p. 35). Kelly further explains that this ‘contribute[s] to a political economy [in the US] that privatizes abortion burdens, leaving poor, young, rural and overwhelmingly black and brown women to the vagaries of geography and the market’ (2016, p. 33).…”
Section: Political Geography and Abortion Mobilitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Scholars recognise that there is stigma associated with this enforced travel and that it operates as a hard barrier to access (Erdman, 2016; Pruitt & Vanegas, 2014; Statz & Pruitt, 2019). That women and pregnant people must travel long distances to access abortion care is a ‘private burden they must bear, not a public responsibility of the state’ (Kelly, 2016, p. 35). Kelly further explains that this ‘contribute[s] to a political economy [in the US] that privatizes abortion burdens, leaving poor, young, rural and overwhelmingly black and brown women to the vagaries of geography and the market’ (2016, p. 33).…”
Section: Political Geography and Abortion Mobilitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…That women and pregnant people must travel long distances to access abortion care is a ‘private burden they must bear, not a public responsibility of the state’ (Kelly, 2016, p. 35). Kelly further explains that this ‘contribute[s] to a political economy [in the US] that privatizes abortion burdens, leaving poor, young, rural and overwhelmingly black and brown women to the vagaries of geography and the market’ (2016, p. 33). The ’abortion‐free’ state works on the assumption that abortion can be accessed elsewhere—at once enforcing mobility for those who can travel and inflicting immobility on those who cannot, thereby disregarding the disproportionate impacts of abortion restrictions on marginalised groups.…”
Section: Political Geography and Abortion Mobilitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Although the burden of travel was a prominent concern prior to the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 decision in Roe v. Wade (Greenhouse and Siegel, 2012), U.S. feminist legal scholars and litigators have generally not identified distance, travel, or rurality as major issues in relation to abortion in the four decades since Roe . In the intervening years, pro-choice advocates have invested considerable energy and resources in actually getting women to abortion providers by funding for their travel (Kelley, 2016; National Network of Abortion Funds, 2017), but pro-choice litigators have dedicated little attention to explaining or illustrating for courts the burden of distance. In Casey , for example, the petitioners brief to the Supreme court made three mentions of “low-income, young, rural or battered women” (Petitioners Brief Planned Parenthood of SE Pennsylvania v Casey, 1992), but it did not, for example, detail the limits of public transportation in rural Pennsylvania nor discuss the price of bus tickets.…”
Section: Feminist Legal Theory and Abortionmentioning
confidence: 99%