Acoustic and perceptual evidence of complete neutralization of word-final tonal specification in Japanese

Abstract

This study investigates the extent to which Japanese lexical pitch-accent distinction is neutralized in word-final position. Native speakers of Tokyo Japanese produced minimal word pairs differing in final accent status. Words were produced both in isolation and in a sentential context, where neutralization would not be expected due to following tonal specification. Examination of pitch patterns on relevant moras revealed a clear distinction between accent-opposed pairs produced in context but no such difference between items produced in isolation. Both the words produced in isolation and the words excised from sentential contexts were then presented to Japanese listeners in a lexical identification task. Participants could clearly distinguish items extracted from sentences but identified words uttered in isolation at chance level. These results suggest that phonological neutralization of final pitch accent is complete, showing no effects of underlying specification in either production or perception.

Effects of acoustic and linguistic experience on Japanese pitch accent processing

“…The acoustic features of the different pitch accent patterns of the disyllabic triplets used in the current dichotic test were analyzed using Praat (Boersma & Weenink, 2013). The acoustic features included here have been shown to be relevant perceptual cues, as reviewed above (e.g., Hasegawa & Hata, 1992; Maniwa, 2002; Sugiyama, 2006, 2008, 2014). First, to track F0 trajectories and determine contour direction for different pitch accent patterns (primarily between H*L and LH*/LH), F0 values at 0%, 25%, 50%, 75% and 100% of the first and second syllables of the disyllabic words, as well as the average F0 values for each syllable, were measured.…”

“…Each word was recorded four times by a female linguistically-trained native speaker of Tokyo Japanese (aged 32) in a sound-attenuated recording booth in the Language and Brain Lab at Simon Fraser University, using Presonus Digital Audio 24 B27/96K Firewire recording interface and a Shure KSM 109 microphone. Each word was followed by a monosyllabic particle, including が (-ga), を (-wo), に (-ni), と (-to), and の (-no), to provide a phrasal context for the native speaker to naturally and accurately produce the distinctions among the pitch accent patterns, especially those between the accented and unaccented patterns (Maniwa, 2002).…”

“…The acoustic features characterizing pitch accent include F0, amplitude and duration, where accented syllables typically carry higher F0 and amplitude, and longer duration than unaccented syllables (Beckman, 1986; Hasegawa & Hata, 1992; Sugito, 1972): specifically, the acoustic realizations of pitch accent patterns which are salient in perception include F0 trajectories, particularly F0 direction and position of F0 peak, whereas intensity and duration are found to be secondary cues (Beckman, 1986; Hasegawa & Hata, 1992; Maniwa, 2002; Sugiyama, 2006, 2008, 2014). In terms of F0, the H*L pattern typically involves a falling F0 contour with peak F0 falling on the first syllable in a disyllabic word, while the LH* and LH patterns involve rising F0 contours with peak F0 falling on the second syllable of a disyllabic word.…”

“…Furthermore, while F0 direction (pitch fall or pitch rise) primarily distinguishes the H*L and LH*/LH patterns, pitch fall has been claimed to be a more primary cue than pitch rise for recognizing accent patterns (Kindaichi, 1967; Hirano-Cook, 2011). Research has also examined the LH* and LH patterns which differ in accentedness on the second syllable (Hasegawa & Hata, 1992; Maniwa, 2002; Sugiyama, 2006, 2008, 2014; Vanditti, 2005). Overall, the F0 maximum value for LH* is higher than that for LH, and the F0 difference between the first syllable and second syllable is larger for LH* and LH when produced in a sentential context, while these differences are neutralized when produced in isolation (Sugito, 1983; Sugiyama, 2006).…”

Second and Third Language Learners’ Sensitivity to Japanese Pitch Accent Is Additive

“…For example, the two-mora hashi can carry three different lexical meanings as “chopsticks” (H*L: initial accented mora with a high pitch followed by a mora with a lower pitch), “bridge” (LH*: initial low pitch followed by an accented mora with a higher pitch), or “edge” (LH: initial low pitch followed by a higher pitch with neither mora accented). These accent categories are primarily cued by F0 rise/fall, though F0 peak, duration, and amplitude serve as secondary cues (Beckman, 1986; Hasegawa & Hata, 1992; Maniwa, 2002).…”