Activism in Turkish Foreign Policy: Balancing European and Regional Interests

Tezcür, Güneş Murat; Grigorescu, Alexandru

doi:10.1111/insp.12004

Cited by 21 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 39 publications

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“…As a result of the political and economic dynamics, Turkey has adopted its own political and economic strategies both in domestic and international politics (Tezcür and Grigorescu, 2014).…”

Section: The Significance Of the Sco-turkey Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Untitled

2019

JPAL

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This paper studies the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)'s objectives, its expanding process, the advantages and disadvantages of the new and old member states and SCO-Turkey relations. There is an increasing political and economic rivalry between SCO's two important members (China and Russia). This study shows that China and Russia have different policies to contol the Central Asia. Russia has attempted to increase its influence in the region with the help of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), while China aims to do it with the help of the SCO. On the other hand, Turkey has increased its impact in the Central Asia policy and Turkey-SCO close relations will also play a significant role both in the SCO and Central Asia politics. It is also examined that the SCO policies are majorly driven by China. Thus, Chinese and Russian political and economic rivalry is concerned to deteriorate SCO functions. INTRODUCTION For centuries, in Central Asia both world and regional powers have sought to increase their political, economic and military effects. While world powers have different policies for this region, the main concern of the regional countries is the threat to the security of their borders (Kuralai, 2013). After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, this threat remained as a main issue for the Central Asian countries, particularly for China and Russia that have long borders with Central Asian countries.

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Section: The Significance Of the Sco-turkey Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Untitled

2019

JPAL

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“…This has led to shift of axis (Oğuzlu, 2008;Öniş and Yılmaz, 2009;Çağaptay, 2009;Öniş, 2011;Başer, 2015;McLean, 2015;Aydın-Düzgit, 2016) or alternatively greater autonomy arguments regarding TFP (Kennedy and Dickenson, 2013). A group of scholars also provided empirical test of these arguments through systematic analysis of Turkey's transforming interactions with foreign countries including visa policies (Aygül, 2014), signing of international agreements (Aydın-Çakır and Arıkan-Akdağ, 2017), trade patterns (Tezcür and Grigorescu, 2014) and high-level visits (Kuşku-Sönmez, 2019).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Party Competition Over Turkish Foreign Policy: Understanding Policy Revisions of the Rival Parties

Sönmez

2020

Marmara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Dergisi

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Why do parties change policy positions? Theories of party competition analyze this question by looking at how parties respond to their voters, to their rivals, to the lobbying groups, or to the results of the past elections. The research on the motives of change in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) partially accounts for such factors from the domestic level. This article is interested in the relative impact of party competition over TFP. To this end, it analyses and compares foreign policy positions as presented in the successive election manifestos of the mainstream Turkish political parties. The analysis rests on all the pre-election party programs of the ruling Justice and Development Party, the Republican Peoples Party and the Nationalist Action Party in the period from 2002 to 2018. The article solely concentrates on sections of these parties' election programs that are devoted to foreign policy. First, it examines transformations regarding parties' general framings about TFP visions and then analyses party policies and adjustments regarding Turkey's relations with the West, Middle East, and other regions. The article also examines the level of the resemblance of parties' foreign policy proposals with their rivals' proposals from the previous electoral period. The findings of this article are expected to help understand parties' choices for particular foreign policy positions, as well as, contribute to the existing discussions on the magnitude and determinants of change in TFP. ÖzSiyasi partiler politikalarını niçin değiştirirler? Parti rekabeti teorileri bu soruyu analiz ederken, partilerin seçmenlerine, rakiplerine, lobi gruplarına veya bir önceki seçim sonuçlarına nasıl cevap verdiklerine bakmaktadır. Türk dış politikasındaki (TDP) değişimin nedenlerini inceleyen çalışmalar bu tarz ulusal alt sistem düzeyinden faktörlerin etkisine kısmi olarak açıklama getirmektedir. Bu makale parti rekabetinin TDP üzerindeki görece etkisi ile ilgilenmektedir. Bu amaçla, Türkiye' deki ana akım siyasi partilerin birbirini takip eden seçim manifestoları analiz edilecek ve bu manifestolarda sunulan dış politika pozisyonları hem birbiriyle hem de dönemsel olarak karşılaştırılacaktır. Analiz, iktidar partisi olan Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi ile Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi ve Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi'nin 2002-2018 dönemindeki seçim öncesi parti programlarına dayanmaktadır. Makale bu partilerin parti * Independent Scholar, kuskueda@gmail.com Eda KUŞKU SÖNMEZ 98 programlarının yalnızca dış politikaya ayrılan kısımlarına odaklanmaktadır. Öncelikle partilerin genel TDP vizyonlarındaki dönüşümler incelenecek, daha sonra partilerin Türkiye'nin Batı, Orta Doğu ve diğer bölgeler ile ilişkileri üzerine geliştirdikleri politikalar ve yeni düzenlemeler analiz edilecektir. Makale ayrıca partilerin seçim manifestolarındaki dış politika önerilerinin rakip partilerin bir önceki seçim döneminde sundukları önerilerle benzeşme boyutunu da inceleyecektir. Makalenin bulgularının partilerin dış politika tercihlerini anlamaya yardımcı olması ve TDP' deki dö...

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“…A brief analysis of the current literature finds a limited number of studies on various aspects of Turkey's UNGA voting behaviors (Aral, ; Kaplan, Yuvaci and Amanov, ; Tezcür and Grigorescu, ; Yuvacı and Kaplan, ) and on the voting behaviors of rising powers, specifically BRICS. (Ferdinand, ) This paper will borrow the latter's two‐layered methodology/index and apply it to Turkey by updating the data on BRICS, adding Turkey to the calculation and analyzing a longer period under two sub‐periods, namely, 2002 to 2007 and 2008 to 2014.…”

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confidence: 99%

An Analysis of Turkey's and BRICS’ Voting Cohesion in the UN General Assembly during 2002–2014

Kurşun

Dal

2017

Global Policy

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This paper attempts to analyze the voting behavior of Turkey in the UN General Assembly between 2002 and 2014 in comparison with those of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) countries by using selected reference groups of India, Brazil, South Africa (IBSA), EU, permanent members of the UN Security Council (P5) and the Western group of P5 (USA, UK, France) with the help of a two layered methodology. In doing so, this paper, with a two‐layered quantitative and qualitative methodological model, empirically tests Turkey's voting alignments and cohesion scores in the UN General Assembly to provide a comparative perspective on the degree of foreign policy cohesion among Turkey and its BRICS peers by comparing the group and pair‐wise ‘cohesion’ results. Finally, this paper will qualitatively analyze and discuss Turkey's exceptional voting behaviors and alignments with both the Western group of P5 and the BRICS to understand the nature of the international issues leading to convergences or divisions between Turkey and the BRICS and to demonstrate Turkey's in‐between and dual foreign policy role in international affairs.

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Activism in Turkish Foreign Policy: Balancing European and Regional Interests

Cited by 21 publications

References 39 publications

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Party Competition Over Turkish Foreign Policy: Understanding Policy Revisions of the Rival Parties

An Analysis of Turkey's and BRICS’ Voting Cohesion in the UN General Assembly during 2002–2014

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