Almost half a century ago, Henri Tajfel pioneered an account of prejudice and discrimination that went beyond earlier explanations rooted in realistic competition for resources (Sherif et al., 1961) and authoritarian personality types (Adorno et al., 1950). Tajfel and colleagues proposed that merely categorizing oneself as being part of a social group was sufficient to elicit group-interested attitudes and behaviors. In their classic minimal group experiment, for example, Tajfel et al. (1971) arbitrarily assigned school children to groups, ostensibly on the basis of their preference for the paintings of two artists: Paul Klee and Wassily Kandinsky. Tajfel et al. then required these school children to allocate points to members of the Klee or Kandinsky groups (but not to themselves) using a special points allocation matrix that gave them the chance to maximize the payoff for their own group; maximize the difference between their group and the other group; or to equalize their allocations across both groups. The children's point allocations generally favored members of the 'artist group' to which they themselves were assigned (i.e., ingroup) relative to the other artist group (i.e., outgroup), and they tended to maximize the difference in favor of their ingroup. This evidence was truly revolutionary because it demonstrated, for the first time, that mere psychological awareness of a social group membership can elicit group-interested behaviors (or ingroup favoritism) even outside of a realistic competition between groups. It was this critical piece of evidence that later gave rise to social identity theory (SIT;Tajfel & Turner, 1979).The generality of Tajfel et al.'s (1971) ingroup favoritism effect has been challenged on the basis of the paradoxical tendency for