(æ) in San Francisco English

Moonwomon, Birch

doi:10.3765/bls.v17i0.1645

Cited by 34 publications

(24 citation statements)

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“…At the same time, the present data support previous assertions (e.g. Moonwomon 1991) that San Francisco is moving toward merger in apparent time.…”

Section: Cot and Caught In San Francisco Englishsupporting

confidence: 91%

‘Flip-flop’ and mergers-in-progress

Hall‐Lew¹

2013

English Language and Linguistics

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During a merger-in-progress, occasionally one or two speakers will exhibit an unusual phonological pattern reminiscent of flip-flop (Labov et al. 1972). In such cases, the merging vowels appear to move past the point of coalescence in at least one phonetic dimension; difference is maintained but the vowel quality is opposite to the historical pattern on one or both dimensions. Flip-flop between the cot and caught vowels occurs for two speakers in a recent sample from San Francisco, California. The community shows robust change in progress toward a lower and fronter caught vowel nucleus, and no change in apparent time for cot. Further analysis shows that this is leading to a change in apparent time toward merger, and that the rate of vowel convergence is stronger among Chinese Americans than European Americans. The two speakers who produce flip-flop are seen to represent a key transitional generation with respect to the ethnic identity of the neighborhood, where flip-flop may be but one linguistic consequence of a lifetime of active negotiation between conflicting local meanings. The analysis suggests that ethnographic detail and attention to individual outliers allows for more comprehensive models of the range of phenomena associated with vowel mergers.

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“…At the same time, the present data support previous assertions (e.g. Moonwomon 1991) that San Francisco is moving toward merger in apparent time.…”

Section: Cot and Caught In San Francisco Englishsupporting

confidence: 91%

‘Flip-flop’ and mergers-in-progress

Hall‐Lew¹

2013

English Language and Linguistics

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“…This could indicate a surprisingly stabilized low back distinction in among European American San Franciscans despite the move of the rest of the West and the local Asian American community towards completed merger. Such a scenario contrasts with Moonwomon's (1992) argument that the merger was well on its way to completion. Furthermore, contra Labov (2001), White speakers appear to be more resistant to regional sound change than are non-Whites, at least in terms of this variable, in this particular community.…”

Section: Results and Analysis 41 Low Back Mergermentioning

confidence: 68%

Ethnicity and Sound Change in San Francisco English

Hall‐Lew

2009

BLS

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“…Steady immigration in the 20th century, with a major influx since the 1940s, has yielded several robust generations of American-born Latinos -several robust generations of native speakers of English. These generations are known for their development of a distinctive native dialect of English, Chicano English, and it is over comparable generations that the white Anglo population has become sufficiently settled that a distinctive California Anglo dialect has emerged (Moonwomon, 1992) as well. Thus while people generally think of Chicano English as based on some Anglo dialect, the two actually emerged over the same historical period, and in clear relation to each other.…”

Section: Chicano and Anglo-englishes In Californiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Where do ethnolects stop?

Eckert

2008

International Journal of Bilingualism

238

163

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The paper discusses the complex role of ethnicity in the construction of a peer-based social order in preadolescence, and argues that the indexical value of "ethnic" variables is constructed among, rather than simply within, ethnic groups, and hence incorporates concerns that span ethnic boundaries. In Northern California, white Anglo speech is showing a split in /ae/ as it raises before nasals and backs elsewhere, while Chicano speakers commonly back both classes of /ae/. Based on ethnography in two Northern California elementary schools, this paper shows that the Chicano pattern does not simply index ethnicity, but indexes place in the peer-based social order as well, and as such is available to speakers regardless of ethnicity.1 All names, of schools as well as of individuals, are pseudonyms. doing, I follow Jürgen Jaspers (this volume) in pointing out that not only can the notion of ethnolect serve to reinscribe popular ideologies, it also belies the constructed nature of linguistic varieties and of social (in this case ethnic) categories. The term ethnolect (like sociolect and the more generic dialect) reflects a view of language as a fixed rather than fluid entity, and of identity as compartmentalized, allowing one to think of an ethnolect as a discrete system indexical of ethnicity alone. The emphasis in this paper will be on the fact that speakers of so-called ethnolects do not live or speak in isolation, and even if the ethnolect is highly reified, its existence depends on a fairly restricted set of resources. The linguistic resources that ethnolectal speakers deploy in their day-to-day lives are not all specific to the ethnic category, and those that appear to be specifically ethnic can index far more than ethnicity. By examining one feature of "Chicano" and "Anglo" English among students in two elementary schools in Northern California, I will show how ethnically distinctive ways of speaking emerge out of shared social practices, in interaction with each other, and have indexical values that are associated not simply with ethnicity but with those shared practices as well.

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(æ) in San Francisco English

Abstract: Proceedings of the Seventeenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on The Grammar of Event Structure (1991), pp. 207-217

Cited by 34 publications

References 0 publications

‘Flip-flop’ and mergers-in-progress

‘Flip-flop’ and mergers-in-progress

Ethnicity and Sound Change in San Francisco English

Where do ethnolects stop?

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