Aesthetics of arrival: spectacle, capital, novelty in post-reform India

Kaur, Ravinder; Hansen, Thomas Blom

doi:10.1080/1070289x.2015.1034135

Cited by 20 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…The reconfiguration of veg and non-veg reflects India's "aesthetics of arrival" (as we saw in Modi's speech): namely the novelty, visibility and celebration of the post-reform landscape (Kaur and Hansen 2016). On the one hand, vegetarianism is celebrated, promoted and certified by BJP and the state, and on the other meat-eating (and its "brown" regulation) is a sign of prosperity, pluralised markets, reconfigured status/hierarchies, inclusion, social mobility, health and cosmopolitanism.…”

Section: Retail Revolution and Changing Consumer Culture In Indiamentioning

confidence: 95%

Veg or Non-veg? From Bazaars to Hypermarkets in India

Fischer¹

2019

IJAPS

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This paper reviews the literature on vegetarianism (veg) and meat-eating (nonveg) in India. My central aim is to explore how vegetarianism and meat-eating are addressed in existing research in order to identify gaps and pave the way for a new research agenda on the complex and changing relationship between vegetarianism and meat-eating at different levels-consumers, markets and regulators-in contemporary India. Why and how Hindus eat meat is not well understood and much of the existing literature often assumes that not only does the concept of ahimsa (noninjury to all living creatures), cow veneration and banning of cow slaughter prevent Hindus from eating meat, but also that the relationship between vegetarianism and meat-eating is relatively simple and stable among Hindu groups. What is more, India is a major exporter of meat and water buffalo beef in particular. In Hindu nationalist discourses, as well as scholarly studies, Hindu meat-eating is often seen as exceptional and/or due to spiritual, ritual or religious circumstances, rather than as an everyday practice. However, the complex and contested relationship between vegetarianism and meat-eating is as topical as ever: in 2011, the Indian state made it mandatory that all processed food products should bear marks to indicate whether products are vegetarian (green) or non-vegetarian (brown) and with the rise of consumer culture in super/hypermarkets, these logos are ubiquitous on packagings throughout India. I argue that the above aspects have been central in the making of a powerful vegetarian ideology that has seduced much of the scholarship on vegetarianism into suggesting that vegetarianism in India is dominant among Hindus. The central research question concerns why and how a vegetarian ideology

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Section: Retail Revolution and Changing Consumer Culture In Indiamentioning

confidence: 95%

Veg or Non-veg? From Bazaars to Hypermarkets in India

Fischer¹

2019

IJAPS

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“…India is "no longer representative of deprivation and dystopian collapse, but a signifier of a new world of affluence, enterprise, techno-mobility, consumption and fresh market opportunities that an economically stagnant Western world is in search of." 82 But as much as an aura of novelty and dynamism circulates around celebratory notions of a "New India," popular narratives of its emergence that emphasize novelty and rupture encounter challenges.…”

Section: Organic Agriculture and Post-reform Developmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…I draw notions of the "social life" and "career" of things from Appadurai, The Social Life of Things. 86 Forest Research Institute,35,47,213 forests: resources of,60,186;and tensions between nature and culture,[21][22][23][28][29]30,229n65 Foucault,Michel,49,66,82,108 France,and terroir,115,126 Freidberg,Susanne,7 Gambetta,Diego,90 Gandak River,48 Gandhi,Mahatma,181,253n19 Ganges River,12,15,36,44,48,187,226n30,246n39 49,[52][53]60,[70][71][72][73][74][75][76][77][78][79][80]…”

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confidence: 99%

Becoming Organic

Galvin¹

2021

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This book has come into being slowly-among people who, in their different ways, have each supported and enabled its work, and in places where I have been given the space and time to explore, reflect, converse, and write.I am above all thankful to the many people in Uttarakhand who assisted with and participated in my research. They include the residents of Asanpur and Nagthari, the staff of the Uttarakhand Organic Commodity Board, the Uttarakhand Seed and Organic Certification Agency, the company I refer to as Hira Foods, the Dehradun State Archives, and National Archives, and the many more individuals who took time to meet and speak with me. In Asanpur, Sandeep Rawat and Usha Devi, and their daughter, Nisha, welcomed me into their home and facilitated my research in their village. I am especially grateful to Rawatji and Amrita Devi in Nagthari, who treated me and my family as their own and continue to do so to this day.In pursuing the doctoral research on which this book is based, I could not have hoped for two more remarkable co-chairs, Michael Dove and K. Sivaramakrisnan. They are scholars whose deep intel-

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“…centred on conspicuous consumption in the context of economic liberalisation (Fernandes and Heller 2006, Donner 2012, Säävälä 2010. Another line has analysed how middle-class aspirations undergird the broader hegemonic process of restructuring Indian society and economy in accordance with the logic of neoliberalisation that has, in the Indian context, been wedded to political illiberalism (Fernandes and Heller 2006), while also shaping popular common sense about the good life (Nielsen and Wilhite 2015, Kaur 2016, Kaur and Blom Hansen 2016. We see the working of this hegemonic aspirational project in the commonsensical (in the Gramscian sense) casting of the urban and high-tech as the site of aspirations, symbolically condensed in the prosperous IT-entrepreneur; and the rural and agrarian as the site of distress, symbolically condensed in the indebted peasant prone to suicide.…”

Section: Beyond Coercionmentioning

confidence: 99%