Age Differences in Age Perceptions and Developmental Transitions

Chopik, William J.; Bremner, Ryan H.; Johnson, David J.; Giasson, Hannah L.

doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2018.00067

Cited by 66 publications

(52 citation statements)

References 69 publications

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“…The median age, sex ratio, and median income were included given their associations with both regional differences in psychological characteristics and implicit bias (Brethel-Haurwitz & Marsh, 2014;Johnson & Chopik, 2019). Specifically, gender and education were included as covariates based on previous research finding that women and people with higher economic status display lower implicit age bias, and women report greater age-group dissociation (Chopik et al, 2018;Chopik & Giasson, 2017). The percentage of older adults and the poverty rate of older adults were entered as covariates to control for the contextual, state-level influences of these variables on health and Medicare spending (i.e., the percentage of older adults and poorer older adults in a state might predict state-level health conditions and strain on the Medicare system).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…More importantly, it can also encompass individuals' sense of identification with life events, social roles, interests, and activities that they associate with being a particular age (Barak, 2009;Barak & Stern, 1986). In general, whereas young adults tend to report feeling older than or the same as their chronological age, older people tend to report feeling younger than their chronological age (Chopik, Bremner, Johnson, & Giasson, 2018;Montepare, 2009;Montepare & Lachman, 1989;Rubin & Berntsen, 2006). In the current study, age-group dissociation is used to identify relative discrepancy between subjective age and chronological age (e.g., the positive or negative numeric difference between the two values, which indicates how many years younger or older a person feels relative to their age, respectively).…”

Section: Why Regional Implicit Age Bias May Predict Distancing Frommentioning

confidence: 99%

“…No other exclusions were made. Note that these data have been used in at least two other reports, but this is the first time that state-level information is being used (Chopik et al, 2018;Chopik & Giasson, 2017 Table 1 for descriptives and sample sizes for each state.…”

Section: Participantsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Thus, only the implicit and explicit bias scores are used in that study and the current one. Chopik et al (2018) examined age differences in various perceptions about aging, including the age people would choose to be, the age people hoped to live to, how old other people thought participants were, and subjective age (and age and gender as controls). That report also included age differences in perceptions of developmental transitions (e.g., when does older adulthood start).…”

Section: Sampling Strategy and Sensitivity Analysesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Geographic patterns of implicit age bias and associations with state‐level health outcomes across the United States

Giasson

Chopik

2020

Euro J Social Psych

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Negative views of aging and older adults are pervasive in contemporary society. This age bias becomes ingrained early in life and can have large implications for the health and well-being of older adults. The overall amount-and influence-of age bias also differs across contexts. In the current study, we examined regional variation in implicit age bias across the United States, linking regional variation in implicit age bias to regional outcomes in health among adults ages 65 and over. We also demonstrate an association between state-level implicit age bias and the psychological process of age-group dissociation, such that older adults living in particularly ageist states tended to dissociate more from their chronological age. We examined these associations using a large sample of over 800,000 Project Implicit participants from 50 U.S. states (and the District of Columbia). 1.1 | Stigma surrounding aging and old age Early in life, we are exposed to an array of messages about what it means to be "old". Representations in media, advertising, entertainment, and art reflect and reinforce cultural notions about the value of maintaining a youthful appearance (Richards, Warren, & Gott, 2012), with the implication that old age is something we should try to avoid or conceal (Smirnova, 2012). There are also commonly held ideas about older adults as a social group and different intellectual traditions have generated models and taxonomies for how attitudes toward older adults are conceptualized. For example, in the stereotype-content model, older adults are generally considered to have relatively low social status and are consistently stereotyped as being interpersonally warm but also incompetent (Cuddy, Norton,

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Why Regional Implicit Age Bias May Predict Distancing Frommentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Participantsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Sampling Strategy and Sensitivity Analysesmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Geographic patterns of implicit age bias and associations with state‐level health outcomes across the United States

Giasson

Chopik

2020

Euro J Social Psych

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“…A young subjective age, or feeling younger than one’s chronological age, is considered an adaptive perception in a society that often devalues old age. Accordingly, older adults indeed generally feel younger than their current age, and the tendency to feel younger than one’s age increases across the lifespan ( Chopik et al, 2018 ). Feeling relatively older on the other hand could indicate greater perceived vulnerability to age-related decline in health ( Kotter-Grühn and Hess, 2012 ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Subjective Age as a Moderator in the Reciprocal Effects Between Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Symptoms and Self-Rated Physical Functioning

et al. 2018

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It is now widely acknowledged that physical decline may increase among middle-aged and older adults who suffer from posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Much less is known about the temporal sequencing of PTSD and physical decline relationship over time. While PTSD can lead to physical decline, physical decline may preserve or augment existing PTSD symptoms. Both problems can also mutually affect each other forming a vicious cycle. Additionally, it is important to address variables that can mitigate these longitudinal effects. Following the recovery capital framework, we consider how the existence or lack of capital in the form of young age identity may affect the recovery process. Therefore, the current study aimed to examine the reciprocal effects of PTSD symptoms and self-rated physical functioning and further test whether one’s subjective age moderates these effects. Using in-region random digit dialing, we collected a stratified sample of community dwelling older adult residing in south Israel. Of that sample (N at T1 = 339), 132 older adults (age range = 51–88, mean age = 66.90, SD = 9.14) were interviewed 4 months after the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict (T2) and 1 year later (T3). Participants responded to PTSD symptoms scale, and reported their physical functioning and subjective age. PTSD symptoms and self-rated physical functioning were tested as both predictors and outcomes in a cross-lagged model. The moderating effect of subjective age was assessed by examining whether T2 variables interacted with subjective age in predicting T3 outcomes. Results showed that higher PTSD symptoms at T2 were associated with subsequent lower self-rated physical functioning at T3, yet self-rated physical functioning at T2 did not predict PTSD symptoms at T3, thereby highlighting the PTSD self-rated physical function direction. Moreover, subjective age moderated this latter association, so that this relationship was significant only for those who felt relatively older. In addition to clarifying the temporal sequencing of the PTSD self-rated physical functioning association, the study further suggests that an older subjective age (i.e., lack of recovery capital) could render middle-aged and older adults more susceptible to physical decline following PTSD symptoms. We therefore propose to develop interventions aimed at coping with an older age identity and facilitating a younger age identity among traumatized older individuals.

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Centrality of positive and negative autobiographical memories across adult life span

Pociūnaitė

Zimprich

Wolf

2022

Applied Cognitive Psychology

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Previous studies have found that in nonclinical samples centrality of positive events is usually higher than centrality of negative events. In this study, we investigated the centrality and its relation to valence by considering additional predictor variables (i.e., intensity, time since event, self‐concept clarity) as well as age group differences. A total of 365 participants aged between 18 and 89 reported up to 10 positive and up to 10 negative autobiographical memories. We used multilevel analysis to account for the hierarchical structure of the data. The results confirmed the higher centrality of positive events, but only for middle‐aged and older adults. Intensity contributed to the centrality of both positive and negative events, whereas self‐concept clarity was relevant regarding negative memories of young and middle‐aged adults only. Hence, the extent to which memories contribute to identity is not only depending on characteristics of memories but on the remembering person as well.

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Age Differences in Age Perceptions and Developmental Transitions

Cited by 66 publications

References 69 publications

Geographic patterns of implicit age bias and associations with state‐level health outcomes across the United States

Geographic patterns of implicit age bias and associations with state‐level health outcomes across the United States

Subjective Age as a Moderator in the Reciprocal Effects Between Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Symptoms and Self-Rated Physical Functioning

Centrality of positive and negative autobiographical memories across adult life span

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