Agrarian Change and Ethnic Politics: Restructuring of Hmong and Shan Labour and Agricultural Production inNorthernThailand

Abstract

Ethnic politics are an important, but under-examined, dynamic

The exotic veil: Managing tourist perceptions of national history and statehood in Oman

“…In Thailand, self-Orientalisation is certainly widespread, though it is not imposed, except arguably in the hill-tribe areas, where local economies depend upon displays of exotic authenticity (Cohen, 1989). In these areas, tourists are presented with displays of exotic cultural heritage, while the violent and insecure recent history of the hill tribes is obscured (Latt & Roth, 2015;Wittayapak, 2008).…”

‘We are inferior, we have no rights’: Statelessness and mental health among ethnic minorities in Northern Thailand

“…The long-lasting civil war in Shan State and intensified forced relocation programmes in the mid-1990s triggered massive refugee flows into Thailand ( Grundy-Warr & Wong Siew Yin, 2002 ). In contrast to other refugees from Myanmar, however, the Shan were not recognized by the Thai government as displaced persons, but instead considered economic migrants ( Latt & Roth, 2015 ; Suwanvanichkij, 2008 ). Many Shan, therefore, ended up as ‘illegal’ migrants in Thailand, working in the agricultural and construction sectors ( Latt & Roth, 2015 ).…”

“…In contrast to other refugees from Myanmar, however, the Shan were not recognized by the Thai government as displaced persons, but instead considered economic migrants ( Latt & Roth, 2015 ; Suwanvanichkij, 2008 ). Many Shan, therefore, ended up as ‘illegal’ migrants in Thailand, working in the agricultural and construction sectors ( Latt & Roth, 2015 ). Concomitantly, driven by economic hardship in Myanmar and attracted by relatively higher incomes in Thailand, Shan labour migration to Thailand accelerated in the 1990s ( Jirattikorn, 2012 ).…”

“…Existing research on statelessness and related problems, hence, also tends to focus on highlander groups ( Pesses, 2007 ; Rijken, Waas, Gramatikov, & Brennan, 2015 ). In general, there is relatively little research about the ‘lowland’ Tai-Yai in Thailand despite their long history of networks, movements and trade across the Thai-Myanmar border ( Grundy-Warr & Wong Siew Yin, 2002 ; Jirattikorn, 2017 ; Latt & Roth, 2015 ; Verma, Su, Chan, & Muennig, 2011 ). According to Schrock et al (1970) , about 50,000 Shan were already living in Thailand in 1963.…”

Three populisms and two dead ends: Variants of agrarian populism in Thailand

“…Arnold and Pickles (2011, p. 1608) estimate that migrant workers from these three countries made up nearly one‐tenth of Thailand's workforce in 2008, working in “labor‐intensive industries such as seafood processing and fisheries, construction, manufacturing sectors including textile and garment, agriculture and domestic work.” Without the citizen rights of Thai nationals, they are subjugated to additional forms of oppression and their rights as workers are curtailed (Arnold & Pickles, 2011; Campbell, 2013). Their lives are characterized by precarious working conditions, such as seasonal and temporary employment, subcontracted work, hire, and fire on a daily basis or piecework jobs (Latt & Roth, 2015, p. 234). Temporary and informal employment translate into lower income, as seasonal or daily workers do not have to be paid a minimum wage.…”