Abstract:Prior research has shown that institutions affect parties’ incentives to coordinate within elections or compete on their own. However, no study to date has examined with institutional effects when parties coordinate in the most important of electoral contests: the presidential race. In this article, we explain which institutions encourage parties to run as part of pre-electoral coalitions (PECs) or shun them and run on their own in the race for the presidency. Using an original dataset of over 1400 parties tha… Show more
“…In other words, just like "presidentiable" parties are rare exceptions in Brazil (in the sense that SAMUELS and SHUGART, 2010 seem to consider the rule), there are few parties that are "governorable". This scenario contradicts what, for Spoon and West (2015), should be expected in two-round executive elections. For them, just like for Duverger (1954) in his original propositions, there is an incentive for parties to try their luck in the irst round, leaving electoral coordination for the second round and thus increasing the number of candidates.…”
Section: Graph 1 Decision Trees For Electoral Entries and Withdrawalscontrasting
In this article, we present new data on electoral alliances (coligações) that were formed to contest Brazilian general elections between 1986 and 2014. We present evidence to show that alliances formed for gubernatorial and lower house elections are connected to one another. These joint alliances are part of complex coordination strategies for managing the entry and withdrawal of candidates for concomitant elections regulated by different rules. As we shall show, these joint strategies result in: 01. interlinked processes of party concentration in subnational executive elections, and party fragmentation in national lower-house elections; which is the result of 02. the emergence of political parties that specialize in contesting elections for different political of ices.
“…In other words, just like "presidentiable" parties are rare exceptions in Brazil (in the sense that SAMUELS and SHUGART, 2010 seem to consider the rule), there are few parties that are "governorable". This scenario contradicts what, for Spoon and West (2015), should be expected in two-round executive elections. For them, just like for Duverger (1954) in his original propositions, there is an incentive for parties to try their luck in the irst round, leaving electoral coordination for the second round and thus increasing the number of candidates.…”
Section: Graph 1 Decision Trees For Electoral Entries and Withdrawalscontrasting
In this article, we present new data on electoral alliances (coligações) that were formed to contest Brazilian general elections between 1986 and 2014. We present evidence to show that alliances formed for gubernatorial and lower house elections are connected to one another. These joint alliances are part of complex coordination strategies for managing the entry and withdrawal of candidates for concomitant elections regulated by different rules. As we shall show, these joint strategies result in: 01. interlinked processes of party concentration in subnational executive elections, and party fragmentation in national lower-house elections; which is the result of 02. the emergence of political parties that specialize in contesting elections for different political of ices.
“…This is a valid statement concerning the conversion formula as well as regarding the ballot structure (Bosch and Orriols, 2014). This also concerns the impact different electoral rules may exercise upon the formation or not of pre-electoral coalitions (Golder, 2006, Spoon et al 2015, or the influence different rules may exercise on the number of political parties that enter a legislature, to mention but a few areas of research of this literature. Singer and Stephenson (2009) and Jeffrey et al (2018) are also examples of these contributions as they focus on how the district magnitude may influence the number of parties that pass the threshold and enter the legislature as well as the behaviour of political actors.…”
Section: Theoretical Background and Quantitative Indexes Employedmentioning
The current paper focuses on the Spanish electoral rules governing political competition for the central "Congreso de los Diputados". It is well-documented that the system as a whole has traditionally favoured one or the other of the two main political parties (PP and PSOE) at the expense of proportionality and the remaining political parties. This paper focuses on some key Spanish electoral rules and investigates how much the observed biases could be altered by introducing some alternative rules taken from the Swedish electoral system, ceteris paribus. Measures of disproportionality are made through the Loosemore-Hanby index and the Gallagher index. The electoral raw data used for our estimations comes from the 2011, 2015 and 2016 last three Spanish general elections. The basic contribution of the paper is an empirical one as it provides a new example that institutions matter for results.
“…Along with ideology, party platforms are also considered to be a factor that influences the formation of alliances. Distinguishing between policy-seeking and office-seeking parties, some authors (Ibenskas, 2015;Kellam, 2015;Spoon and West, 2015;Wahman, 2011) argue that parties that are policy-seeking, i.e. strive to win legislative seats in order to implement their programs, form alliances more often.…”
Section: Ideological Compatibility and Programmatic Similaritiesmentioning
This article examines how electoral alliances were formed in the 2017 parliamentary elections in the Republic of Armenia. It hypothesizes that alliances were formed among parties that are ideologically compatible and could not individually overcome the electoral threshold. Contrary to the established theory in the field, the data collected and analyzed from February to May 2018 reveal that ideological and programmatic similarities were not the primary factor that influenced the party leaders' decision to cooperate with others. Instead, parties converged because of the shortterm objectives of overcoming the electoral threshold and gaining more seats in the parliament.
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