2016
DOI: 10.1177/1065912916675738
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American Party Women

Abstract: ArticleTraditionally, women were more politically conservative than men. Yet, in the early 1980s, women began realigning, shifting to the left of men and reversing the gender gap in developed democracies across the globe (BoxSteffensmeier, De Boef, and Lin 2004;Inglehart and Norris 2003). Today, women in the United States are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party, vote for Democratic Party candidates, and hold liberal positions on social issues. Although scholars have devoted considerable attention… Show more

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Cited by 114 publications
(26 citation statements)
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“…This is consistent with other work which suggests that men and women voters do not react differently to politicians who have been accused of sexual harassment and that the gender gap in concern about sexual harassment and support for #MeToo is dwarfed by the partisan divide (Cossette and Craig, 2019). Despite the conventional wisdom that women tend to be moved more by gender-salient issues (Russell and Trigg, 2004;Lizotte, 2015), gender alone is not always an influential political identity (Cassese and Holman, 2016;Barnes and Cassese, 2017). This is partially due to lower levels of linked fate and group consciousness, that is, a sense that your well-being is inextricably tied to the well-being of the entire group, among women as compared to other historically marginalised groups (Gurin et al, 1980;Henderson-King and Stewart, 1994).…”
Section: Sexual Harassment Politics and Ideologysupporting
confidence: 87%
“…This is consistent with other work which suggests that men and women voters do not react differently to politicians who have been accused of sexual harassment and that the gender gap in concern about sexual harassment and support for #MeToo is dwarfed by the partisan divide (Cossette and Craig, 2019). Despite the conventional wisdom that women tend to be moved more by gender-salient issues (Russell and Trigg, 2004;Lizotte, 2015), gender alone is not always an influential political identity (Cassese and Holman, 2016;Barnes and Cassese, 2017). This is partially due to lower levels of linked fate and group consciousness, that is, a sense that your well-being is inextricably tied to the well-being of the entire group, among women as compared to other historically marginalised groups (Gurin et al, 1980;Henderson-King and Stewart, 1994).…”
Section: Sexual Harassment Politics and Ideologysupporting
confidence: 87%
“…At the same time, women are not a homogenous group and gender has been shown to be a less influential identity by itself in American politics but more powerful when paired with partisanship and ideology (Barnes & Cassese, 2016; Erzeel & Caluwaerts, 2015; Huddy, 2013; Huddy et al, 2008). This notion is echoed by recent survey data demonstrating that the partisan gap in perceptions of gender inequality and sexual harassment greatly exceeds the gender gap.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Women typically hold more liberal viewpoints on social welfare, criminal justice, and foreign policy (Kaufmann and Petrocik 1999). Barnes and Cassese (2017) examine gender gaps within the parties and find that among Republicans in particular, there is a significant gap in policy preferences with Republican citizens exhibiting more liberal preferences especially on “women's issues,” including healthcare, abortion, subsidized childcare, and education. To the extent that mass preferences translate to elites, this would suggest a gender gap in the priorities and preferences of congressmembers not only in the aggregate but also within parties.…”
Section: Gender Differences In Congressional Communication and Behaviormentioning
confidence: 99%