American Rage: How Anger Shapes Our Politics. By Steven W. Webster. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 169p. $89.99 cloth, $29.99 paper.

Abstract

American society and culture that preceded the emergence of the tea party and paved the way for its success, as well as for the rise of Donald Trump. For example, it would be interesting to see whether there was a correlation between areas where the tea party enjoyed its greatest strength at the grassroots in 2009-12 and where Donald Trump enjoyed his greatest success in Republican primaries in 2016.I am also a little skeptical about the utility of the "insurgent factionalism" framework proposed here for understanding intra-party conflict in general. That is because, as Blum acknowledges, there has been nothing quite comparable to the tea party on the Left. Although intra-party ideological conflict is inevitable in a two-party system, and the Democrats certainly have seen their share of that sort of conflict, the left wing has never had the level of influence within the Democratic Party that the Far Right has had within the modern Republican Party.My own hypothesis is that this reflects a fundamental difference between the two parties in the United States. Democrats, including those on the Left, want the government to try to solve social problems by enacting major policy reforms. Republicans, especially on the Right, have no positive agenda other than cutting taxes and reversing policies enacted by Democrats. As a result, left-wing activists and members of Congress may be reluctant to attack their moderate colleagues too harshly out of fear of undermining the party's legislative agenda, especially when Democrats are in power. That hypothesis is about to get a test during the first two years of the Biden administration.Even though the tea party's heyday has passed, Blum's book provides an important and timely perspective on the rise of reactionary conservatism and the influence of rightwing extremism and activism on the modern Republican Party. For anyone who still needs convincing, Blum's book provides plenty of evidence that the tea party movement of 2009-12 paved the way for Donald Trump's takeover of the Republican Party in 2016. Even with Trump out of the White House, his brand of reactionary conservatism is likely to remain a powerful if not dominant influence on the Republican Party in many parts of the United States for a long time.

Race, Partisanship, and Democratic Politics: The Role of Racial Attitudes in Motivating White Americans’ Electoral Participation

“…Evidence from studies of vote choice also suggests that partisanship is a key conditioning factor in determining both the direction and magnitude of the effect of racial attitudes. Phoenix (2020) finds that Republican presidential candidates in the 1980s and 1990s benefited from strategically appealing to the racial anger of white voters. Studies of recent elections show that Republican candidates do better among voters with conservative racial attitudes (e.g., Algara and Hale 2019; Luttig and Motta 2017; Petrow et al 2018; Tesler 2013).…”

Anger, Fear, and the Racialization of News Media Coverage of Protest Activity

“…Anger stands in contrast to fear as an emotion strongly linked to arousal and action and increased levels of political participation (Banks 2016; Barreto and Garcia-Rios 2016; Phoenix 2019; Ramírez 2013; Valentino et al 2011). Anger can also trigger risk-seeking behavior and reduce the quantity, and even the quality, of political information-seeking (Lerner and Keltner 2001; Valentino et al 2008).…”

“…Equally important, anger and fear have well-documented effects on political behavior. They often depress political engagement, particularly among people of color (Brader 2005; Phoenix 2019; Valentino et al 2011). Consequently, media depictions of protests that evoke a sense of anger or fear may heighten the public’s distrust of people of color and negatively influence observers’ willingness to support the protest or engage in related political activity (Barreto and Garcia-Rios 2016; Phoenix 2019; Ramírez 2013).…”

“…For example, media coverage of protests may employ anger in a way intended to be sympathetic toward the protesters, such as by conveying the fear felt by participants or even indignation at the treatment of protesters. Still, the perception that the anger or fear conveyed and evoked in news coverage is sympathetic toward protesters does not negate how anger and fear can increase biases in information-seeking, depress political engagement, and heighten racial disparities in political engagement (Brader 2005; Phoenix 2019; Valentino et al 2011). In turn, evoking a sense of anger or fear in news media coverage of protests of mostly people of color, regardless of the target of the anger, can aggravate differences in racial attitudes and racial disparities in political participation.…”

Sociopolitical Development as Emotional Work: How Young Organizers Engage Emotions to Support Community Organizing for Transformative Racial Justice

“…Similarly, emotions are associated with age and levels of maturity; to be able to hold one’s own demonstrates growth and adulthood. Indeed there are hegemonic narratives associated with emotions, and how certain affective expressions are socially constructed, understood or deemed acceptable (Banks et al, 2019; Phoenix, 2019). An intersectional analysis of race, gender and age with regards to emotions is warranted, yet it is beyond the scope of our current analysis.…”