An acoustic and electroglottographic study of White Hmong tone and phonation

Esposito, Christina M.

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2012.02.007

Cited by 57 publications

(58 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…This is consistent with the cross-linguistic facts. For example, in languages with multiple tones, such as White Hmong and Zapotec, most pitch contrasts occur with modal voice [Esposito, 2010[Esposito, , 2012; fewer tones occur with non-modal phonations. Perceptually, Silverman [2003] showed that pitch discrimination by English speakers is less good during breathy phonation than during modal phonation.…”

Section: Discussion -Tonal Space Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Finally, another, less addressed, cue is phonation, which is common in many tonal languages and has been found to be a salient cue in perception. Sometimes phonation functions as an allophonic cue, e.g., creaky voice on the low tone of Mandarin [Belotel-Grenié and Grenié, 1994;Yang, 2011] and Cantonese [Yu and Lam, 2011]; other times phonation functions as a phonemic dimension in addition to pitch: Green Mong [Andruski, 2006], White Hmong [Esposito, 2012;Garellek et al, 2012], Southern Yi [Kuang, 2011], and Northern Vietnamese [Brunelle, 2009], to cite just a few. [Maddieson, 1978, p. 339 When all the dimensions that can contribute to tonal contrasts are considered, it becomes non-trivial to model the tonal space in which dispersion can be understood.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Tonal Space of Contrastive Five Level Tones

Kuang¹

2013

Phonetica

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Multiple-level tone contrasts are typologically disfavoured because they violate the dispersion principles of maximizing perceptual distance and minimizing articulatory effort. This study investigates the tonal dispersion of a multiple-level tone system by exploring the cues used in producing and perceiving the five level tones of Black Miao. Both production and perception experiments show that non-modal phonations are very important cues for these tonal contrasts. Non-modal phonations significantly contribute to the dispersion of the five level tones in two ways: either by enhancing pitch contrasts or by providing an additional contrastive cue. Benefiting from more than one cue, the level tones T11, T33 and T55 are well distinguished in the tonal space; by contrast, the level tones T22 and T44, only contrasting in pitch, are the most confusable tones. The tonal registers model proposed in this article sheds light on the different uses of non-modal phonations across languages.

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Section: Discussion -Tonal Space Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Tonal Space of Contrastive Five Level Tones

Kuang¹

2013

Phonetica

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“…Nonetheless, the possibility that glottalization is an articulatory enhancement strategy could be viewed as similar to the role of creaky voice on the low-falling tone in White Hmong; though speakers reliably produce this tone with creaky voice (Esposito, 2012;Garellek, 2012), listeners ignore the creaky voice during word identification (Garellek et al, 2013). In that study, the authors hypothesized that creaky voice might be a means of achieving a low pitch, even if listeners do not use it independently of F0.…”

Section: Glottalization As Phonetic Enhancement and Phonological Varimentioning

confidence: 99%

Online perception of glottalized coda stops in American English

Chong

Garellek

2018

Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology

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In American English, voiceless codas /t/ and /p/ are often glottalized: They have glottal constriction that results in creaky voice on the preceding vowel. Previous claims suggest that such glottalization can serve to enhance /t/ or, more generally, voicelessness of coda stops. In this study, we examine the timecourse of word recognition to test whether glottalization facilitates the perception of words ending in voiceless /t/ and /p/, which is expected if glottalization is in fact enhancing. Sixty American English listeners participated in an eye-tracking study, where they heard resynthesized glottalized and non-glottalized versions of CVC English words ending in /p, t, b, d/ while looking at a display with two words presented orthographically. Target words were presented with a minimal pair differing in place of articulation (e.g., cop-cot), or voicing, (e.g., bat-bad, cap-cab). Although there is little evidence that glottalization facilitates recognition of words ending in /t/ or /p/, there is a strong inhibitory effect: Words ending in voiced stops are recognized more slowly and poorly when the preceding vowel was glottalized. These findings lend little support to a listener-driven, enhancement-based explanation for the occurrence of coda glottalization in American English. On the other hand, they suggest that glottalized instances of coda /t/ and /p/, but not of coda /d/ and /b/, are perceived as equally good variants of these sounds.

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“…For example, similar to Mandarin, creaky voice is also often accompanied by tone 6 in Cantonese (Yu and Lam, 2014); mid-laryngealization/creaky voice is an important cue for several tones in Northern Vietnamese (Brunelle, 2009); and breathy voice co-occurs with White Hmong high-falling tone (Esposito, 2012;Garellek et al, 2013) and Green Mong mid-falling tone (Andruski and Ratliff, 2000). When phonation covaries with tones, the situation is trickier because the interaction between the non-modal phonation and pitch is less clear.…”

Section: A Non-modal Phonation Across Tonal Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Covariation between voice quality and pitch: Revisiting the case of Mandarin creaky voice

Kuang

2017

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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This study investigates the interaction between voice quality and pitch by revisiting the well-known case of Mandarin creaky voice. This study first provides several pieces of experimental data to assess whether the mechanism behind allophonic creaky voice in Mandarin is tied to tonal categories or is driven by phonetic pitch ranges. The results show that the presence of creak is not exclusively limited to tone 3, but can accompany any of the low pitch targets in the Mandarin tones; further, tone 3 is less creaky when the overall pitch range is raised, but more creaky when the overall pitch range is lowered. More importantly, tone 3 is not unique in this regard, and other tones such as tone 1 are also subject to similar variations. In sum, voice quality is quite systematically tied to F0 in Mandarin. Results from a pitch glide experiment further suggest that voice quality overall covaries with pitch height in a wedge-shaped function. Non-modal voice tends to occur when pitch production exceeds certain limits. Voice quality, thus, has the potential to enhance the perceptual distinctiveness of extreme pitch targets.

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An acoustic and electroglottographic study of White Hmong tone and phonation

Cited by 57 publications

References 28 publications

The Tonal Space of Contrastive Five Level Tones

The Tonal Space of Contrastive Five Level Tones

Online perception of glottalized coda stops in American English

Covariation between voice quality and pitch: Revisiting the case of Mandarin creaky voice

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