Though it has been argued that audience studies to date has placed too much emphasis on exploring the particularities of fans (Gray, 2017: 80) as opposed to investigating "general" audiences, at the same time the line between fans as a "special type of audience" (Gray, 2017: 80) and the mainstream/general audience has begun to blur, thanks in part to the rise of TV "bingeing" as a normative practice (Jenner, 2015: 13-14) as well as social media's intensified everydayness. This has led to debates in fan studies about whether fandom should be equated with "fan community" (Jenkins, 1992: 40), as Francesca Coppa (2014) argues, or whether fandom can be interpreted as an individualised emotional experience of media consumption. For Coppa, this runs the risk of "reducing all fans to followers" (2014: 80), i.e. those who use social media "as directed" (2014: 75) by corporate actors, without identifying as part of fan communities (2014: 80). This schism in fan studies has also been captured by debates cleaving contemporary fandom into "traditional" modes-fan community again-and "brand" fans (Linden and Linden, 2017: 37). The second edition of Fandom engages in this debate by suggesting that both traditional-communal and atomised, individualised fans might be analysed: "Studies of fans need not all be discussing the same types of fans, practices, or engagements to have a symphonic quality when considered in total" (Sandvoss et al., 2017: 10). However, this call for a harmonious overlay of particular/general or communal/individual fandoms doesn't consider how there is a kind of transfandom at work here, not in the sense of fan practices moving nomadically across texts, but rather in terms of fans and scholars ranging analytically and interpretively across very different discourses of fandom. We might similarly identify Netflix as generating a version of "trans TV"-television that is, itself, discursively multiple by virtue of co-opting broadcast TV programme brands (Johnson, 2012) as 'Netflix Originals' in specific territories, whilst rendering formerly 'terrestrial', linearly scheduled TV shows as part of a non-linear catalogue. At least some of Netflix's programme brands are more-or-less ghosted by their linear TV histories, and by fan knowledge of these prior contexts, such as Charlie Brooker's Black Mirror which originated as a UK Channel 4 programme before becoming a Netflix production. Whilst Netflix may aim to place programme brands in dialogue with its overarching "service brand" of algorithmic customisation, as Timothy Havens has argued (2018: 329), this dialectic cannot wholly overwrite the broadcast, linear TV histories that are bound up with the premieres, national broadcast ratings, and cultural presences of, say, BBC programme brands hosted on Netflix. Both Netflix and fandom, I would argue, thus need to be considered here as necessarily hybridised and multi-discursive in a series of ways, rather than Netflix being singularly positioned as a matter of its TV "catalogs" (Lobato, 2018), or as a new type of "port...