“…A key difference between earlier works (e.g., Baldwin andMagee 2000, andKamdar andGonzalez 1998) and this paper is that these authors use direct measures of trade sensitivity while we use economy-wide measures. One would expect that policy makers would tend to consider both the direct and indirect implications of a trade policy for their state before casting a vote.…”
Section: An Econometric Model Of Senate Votingmentioning
confidence: 94%
“…Our paper fits within a subset of this literature that examines the determinants of congressional votes on tariff legislation (e.g., Hansen and Prusa 1997b;Baldwin and Magee 2000;and Kamdar and Gonzalez 1998). This literature has identified the importance of factors that measure regional trade sensitivity, such as state-level output shares, in explaining congressional voting patterns.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…In fact, they find that many economic variables are very important determinants of congressional voting patterns, suggesting that Members of Congress in general consider both general economic conditions in their districts and states as well as special interest contributions. Kamdar and Gonzalez (1998) examine factors affecting Senate votes on NAFTA and the Uruguay Round Agreement. They consider general economic interests, special interest contributions, and general ideology in their estimating equation.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The authors attribute this change to the institutional changes implied by the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of 1934 which shifted power from the legislative to the executive branch of government and the increased role of administrative institutions after the creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in 1947. Baldwin and Magee (2000) and Kamdar and Gonzalez (1998) identify political and economic factors such as campaign contributions from labor and business groups, the degree of unionization within a state or congressional district, and general economic conditions in the state or district (e.g., output by industry as a share of total gross state product and regional export performance), as significant factors affecting congressional voting on NAFTA and the Uruguay Round Agreement. Baldwin and Magee (2000) utilized a political economy framework to estimate the relative impact of economic and political factors on congressional voting on three agreements: the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Uruguay Round Agreement, and most-favored-nation status for China.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They found that trade policy decisions were significantly influenced by both economic and political factors. Hansen and Prusa (1997b), Baldwin and Magee (2000), and Kamdar and Gonzalez (1998) analyzed tariff legislation. Hansen and Prusa (1997b) conducted a historical analysis of US legislation employing the median voter model.…”
“…A key difference between earlier works (e.g., Baldwin andMagee 2000, andKamdar andGonzalez 1998) and this paper is that these authors use direct measures of trade sensitivity while we use economy-wide measures. One would expect that policy makers would tend to consider both the direct and indirect implications of a trade policy for their state before casting a vote.…”
Section: An Econometric Model Of Senate Votingmentioning
confidence: 94%
“…Our paper fits within a subset of this literature that examines the determinants of congressional votes on tariff legislation (e.g., Hansen and Prusa 1997b;Baldwin and Magee 2000;and Kamdar and Gonzalez 1998). This literature has identified the importance of factors that measure regional trade sensitivity, such as state-level output shares, in explaining congressional voting patterns.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…In fact, they find that many economic variables are very important determinants of congressional voting patterns, suggesting that Members of Congress in general consider both general economic conditions in their districts and states as well as special interest contributions. Kamdar and Gonzalez (1998) examine factors affecting Senate votes on NAFTA and the Uruguay Round Agreement. They consider general economic interests, special interest contributions, and general ideology in their estimating equation.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The authors attribute this change to the institutional changes implied by the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of 1934 which shifted power from the legislative to the executive branch of government and the increased role of administrative institutions after the creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in 1947. Baldwin and Magee (2000) and Kamdar and Gonzalez (1998) identify political and economic factors such as campaign contributions from labor and business groups, the degree of unionization within a state or congressional district, and general economic conditions in the state or district (e.g., output by industry as a share of total gross state product and regional export performance), as significant factors affecting congressional voting on NAFTA and the Uruguay Round Agreement. Baldwin and Magee (2000) utilized a political economy framework to estimate the relative impact of economic and political factors on congressional voting on three agreements: the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Uruguay Round Agreement, and most-favored-nation status for China.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They found that trade policy decisions were significantly influenced by both economic and political factors. Hansen and Prusa (1997b), Baldwin and Magee (2000), and Kamdar and Gonzalez (1998) analyzed tariff legislation. Hansen and Prusa (1997b) conducted a historical analysis of US legislation employing the median voter model.…”
The factor-industry detachment corollary of the Stolper-Samuelson theorem predicts that the economic interests of trade policy are independent of industry and depend only on the type of factor ownership. This paper examines whether congressional voting patterns on trade policy are determined by the factor endowment of the constituency or by its industrial composition. The industry model of trade policy determination is not rejected by the empirical tests while the results for the factor model are ambiguous. This provides evidence that the literature examining congressional voting patterns on broad-based trade policy should reevaluate the maintained assumption that factors do not matter.
We provide one of the first efforts to measure the importance of consumer preferences in legislators' trade policy decisions by estimating the degree to which the level of antitrust enforcement in the legislator's state impacts his or her vote on free trade agreements. To the extent that antitrust and trade liberalization are both viewed as pro-consumer in nature, we would expect to see a positive relationship between antitrust enforcement in their legislative district and Congressional votes in support of trade liberalization. We find evidence suggesting that consumer preferences do play a role in legislative decisions on trade policy.
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