This paper reports on five experiments investigating intervention effects in negative polarity item (NPI) licensing. Such intervention effects involve the unexpected ungrammaticality of sentences that contain an intervener, such as a universal quantifier, in between the NPI and its licensor. For example, the licensing of the NPI any in the sentence *Monkey didn't give every lion any chocolate is disrupted by intervention. Interveners also happen to be items that trigger scalar implicatures in environments in which NPIs are licensed (Chierchia 2004;2013). A natural hypothesis, initially proposed in Chierchia (2004), is that there is a link between the two phenomena. In this paper, we investigate whether intervention effects arise when scalar implicatures are derived.Keywords: intervention effects; negative polarity items; scalar implicature; experimental semantics
Negative polarity items and intervention effectsNegative polarity items (NPIs) are expressions that are sensitive to the logical properties of the environment in which they occur. Examples of NPIs in English include any, anybody, anywhere, and ever. A generalization that successfully captures the distribution of NPIs is that these items are acceptable in downward-entailing (DE) environments (Fauconnier 1975;Ladusaw 1979), i.e. environments that license inferences from sets to subsets. For example, (1a) entails (1b), with chocolate muffins denoting a subset of muffins, and the NPI any is acceptable. Conversely, the environment in (2) is not DE ((2a) does not entail (2b)), and the NPI any is not licensed.(1) a. Ana didn't bake any muffins today. b. Ana didn't bake any chocolate muffins today.(2) a. Ana baked (*any) muffins today. b. Ana baked (*any) chocolate muffins today.Expressions that create a DE context for the NPI, such as negation, are called NPI licensors. Just as with negation in (1), we can see that without, in (3), and the restrictor of the universal quantifier, in (4), are also NPI licensors.