An experimental study of the impact of body-worn cameras on police report writing

Boivin, Rémi; Gendron, Annie

doi:10.1007/s11292-021-09469-8

Cited by 11 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…Makes me look like a liar when I did nothing wrong.” Relatedly, more than 96% of police officers from Buffalo and Rochester surveyed in Gramagila and Philips’ (2018) study shared their support for a policy that would allow them to review their BWC footage before submitting their statement when involved in critical incidents. It should also be kept in mind that police reports written without viewing BWC footage have been shown to be more detailed but to contain more factual errors than those written after viewing the BWC footage (Boivin & Gendron, 2021).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This preference contrasted with the proposed draft policy in New York: “Critics argue this practice, at best, causes officers to unintentionally alter their story of the incident and, at worse, allows officers to tailor their account of the event” (Chavis, 2019: 454). However, a recent study comparing reports written by police cadets before and after viewing BWC footage found marginal differences between the two (Boivin & Gendron, 2021).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Police body‐worn camera policies as democratic deficits? Comparing public support for policy alternatives

Bromberg

Faubert²,

Charbonneau

2022

Criminology & Public Policy

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Research Summary Policies that govern the use of body‐worn cameras (BWCs) by police vary widely between American cities. However, it is currently unclear whether citizen preferences for these policies vary in a similar manner. More specifically, do BWC policies reflect citizen preferences or are existing policies disfavored by a majority of the public? To investigate these questions, we randomly sampled 1000 respondents for each of the three representative metropolitan areas, Los Angeles, CA; Seattle, WA; and Charlotte, NC, in addition to a further 1000 Americans across the country to inquire about policy preferences. We found that most respondents prefer the BWC policies recommended by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) to those currently implemented in their regional police departments. In other words, elements of the BWC policies in Los Angeles, Seattle, and Charlotte do not reflect residents’ preferences. Policy Implications The policy stating that footage access should be given to parents of minors, a deceased subject's family members, or anyone filmed in an encounter, a model promoted by ACLU, is a clear favorite in the United States at large, but also in the three cities we studied. The policy stating that footage access should not be given to superior officers to find disciplinary infractions, also backed by the ACLU, is less popular among Americans at large and residents of Seattle. Beyond the high support for BWCs within the American population, decision makers need to make sure that the policies that govern the use of this tool respect democratic principles. Therefore, the voice of citizens needs to be heard to avoid a democratic deficit.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Police body‐worn camera policies as democratic deficits? Comparing public support for policy alternatives

Bromberg

Faubert²,

Charbonneau

2022

Criminology & Public Policy

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show abstract

“…search and seizure, Miranda warnings). BWC footage could also lead to more accurate report writing by officers (Boivin and Gendron, 2021; Vredeveldt et al ., 2021). Several studies have found that BWCs can influence the investigation of citizen complaints, including substantial cost savings (Braga et al ., 2017; Katz et al ., 2014).…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Investigating the prevalence and utility of police body-worn cameras in the George Floyd protests

Gaub

White

Malm

et al. 2022

PIJPSM

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PurposeUnlike protests against police brutality in the past (2014 and earlier), police officers responding to First Amendment-protected demonstrations in summer 2020 likely were wearing body-worn cameras(BWCs). This study seeks to understand police perceptions of the effects of BWCs when used in the George Floyd protests.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use survey data from 100 agencies with federally-funded BWCs to assess the prevalence of BWC deployment to George Floyd protests and perceived benefits and limitations of the technology within this unique context.FindingsAbout three-quarters of agencies encountered some level of demonstration/protest related to the killing of George Floyd, and the majority of those deployed BWCs during these demonstrations. Respondents indicated evidentiary value of footage was a key reason for doing so, and at least three preconditions for a civilizing effect were present.Originality/valueResearch has documented numerous benefits associated with BWCs, from reductions in use of force and citizen complaints to evidentiary value. However, the extent to which BWC benefits extend to public protests is unclear. The George Floyd protests represent an opportunity to understand the prevalence and usefulness of BWCs in policing public protests.

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Literature Review

Ariel,

Harinam,

Zeynel

et al. 2023

SpringerBriefs in Criminology

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An experimental study of the impact of body-worn cameras on police report writing

Cited by 11 publications

References 33 publications

Police body‐worn camera policies as democratic deficits? Comparing public support for policy alternatives

Police body‐worn camera policies as democratic deficits? Comparing public support for policy alternatives

Investigating the prevalence and utility of police body-worn cameras in the George Floyd protests

Literature Review

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