An Index of Riot Severity and Some Correlates

Wanderer, Jules J.

doi:10.1086/224683

Cited by 41 publications

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“…This research also informed theoretical debates about civil unrest. The findings challenged the assumption that communities experiencing greatest economic hardship, poverty, and relative and absolute deprivation were most likely to experience race riots (Lieberson & Silverman 1965, Wanderer 1969, Spilerman 1976, Eisinger 1973, McPhail & Wohlstein 1983.…”

Section: The Development Of Event Analysismentioning

confidence: 89%

“…For instance. Wanderer's (1969) analysis of riot severity used data only for cities that had race riots, thereby ignoring characteristics of cities that did not have a riot and sidestepping the question of why riots occurred. Sampling on the dependent variable, as in these examples, confounds causal interpretation because (by definition) some observations have been excluded from analysis based upon their levels on the dependent variable (success or not, participation or not).…”

Section: Motivations For Event Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

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Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action

Olzak

1989

Annu. Rev. Sociol.

277

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Recent research on collective action has focused on the occurrence, timing, and sequencing of such events as regime changes, riots, revolutions, protests, and the founding of social movement organizations. Event analysis allows information on the duration, number of participants, presence of violence, or outcome of some particular type of collective action to be compared across social systems or across time periods. This review considers issues of defini tion, measurement, and methods of estimation in event analysis. It also compares two general varieties of event analysis: approaches that model the dynamics of collective action as a process, and those that do not. A process oriented approach evaluates how time and covariates (including past events) affect the timing and sequence of repeatable events, and it attempts to explain how events unfold over time. The nonprocess approaches summarize static relationships between levels or characteristics of units and some type of event count.

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Section: The Development Of Event Analysismentioning

confidence: 89%

Section: Motivations For Event Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action

Olzak

1989

Annu. Rev. Sociol.

277

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“…On the other hand, Jules Wanderer (1969), by using a Guttman-type scale of riot intensity for primarily larger cities, finds that variables similar to those used by Downes are not highly correlated to the occurrence of urban riots, but are significantly related to the intensity of riots once they begin. In addition to the small-city bias of the Downes study, the use of the city as a unit of measurement in both Downes' and Wanderer's studies results in an additional limitation.…”

Section: An Overview Of Urban Riots and The Characteristics Of Riot Cmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…[285] Since the riot behavior examined in the Lieberson-Silverman analysis falls within this former or &dquo;classic&dquo; period of race rioting, several research studies have been conducted to analyze the influence of socioeconomic conditions in the cities where urban violence has recently occurred. Although several such studies have been completed (White, 1968;Wanderer, 1969;Ford and Moore, 1970), the most systematic research in terms of time covered and numbers of cities examined has been conducted by Bryan Downes (1970Downes ( , 1968). Downes utilized data for the 676 cities with a population of 25,000 or more in 1960.…”

Section: An Overview Of Urban Riots and The Characteristics Of Riot Cmentioning

confidence: 99%

Riot and Nonriot Cities

McElroy

Singell²

1973

Urban Affairs Quarterly

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“…In seeking to apply processes found to be involved in the experimental studies of frustration and aggression to the analysis of urban disorders, we are making an assumption that acts of collective behavior are structured and normatively governed. Some recent studies (Couch, 1968;Wanderer, 1968Wanderer, , 1969 indicate that riots are not primitive and disorderly outbursts but that they have a definite form which can be analyzed. The systematic formulation and testing of hypotheses should therefore be legitimate and possibly quite fruitful in further field studies of urban disorders.…”

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confidence: 99%

Some Implications of Experimental Social Psychology for the Study of Urban Disorders

Geen

1971

The Sociological Quarterly

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WHENEVER AN URBAN disorder breaks out, numerous explanations are offered for the cause of the trouble. Some theories are extremely unitary and parsimonious: the rioter is basically "criminal" and loves to destroy property, or he riots to cover basically larcenous motives, or he is a pawn in the hands of outside agitators sent by Peking, Moscow, or (in the minds of some midwesterners), New York. Other explanations are more sophisticated: the trouble lies in poor housing, job discrimination and inferior schools for black children; or, the black, seeing an affluent America all around him, feels "relatively deprived" even though his own lot may be slightly better than it formerly was (Merton and Kitt, 1950). Another explanation points out that the progress made over the past ten years in removing inequalities has led to a sense of rising expectations in the ghetto, so that failure to make continuing rapid progress toward equality is perceived as an intolerable frustration (Davirs, 1969).Each of these latter commonly held points of view implies that deprivations and injustice produce a sense of frustration which ultimately boils over into riot, and all of these ideas are related to a principle long known to psychology: that frustrations produce a build-up of tensions within individuals which may eventuate in aggression and violence. The idea, which is essentially "hydraulic" in its approach to human motivation in that it views motives as building up like water pressure, is stated in its simplest form in the works of certain neo-Frcudians (Hartmann et al., 1949) and in the frustration-aggression hypothesis of Dollard and his colleagues (Dollard et al., 1939). While having the advantage of parsimony, this principle has not been a generally good predictor of human behavior in controlled experimental settings (Kaufman, 1970) and has, in its simplest form, been largely abandoned by researchers. However, some investigators ( e.g., Berkowitz, 1969) have been reluctant to give up the frustration-aggression hypothesis entirely and have revised it and specified the intervening variables in the relationship.Although the frustration-aggression hypothesis may still have much to say on the origins of human aggression, the approach taken in this paper will be that it is not a satisfactory single explanation. As we shall see, research has uncovered some subtle and complex variables in the process, one of the more important being the presence within the situation of stimuli having some relation to aggression. The hypotheses which have guided the research to be reviewed and those which have developed as a result of it are, for the most part, untested in the "real world." They are the product of the psychological laboratory, where evi-

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An Index of Riot Severity and Some Correlates

Cited by 41 publications

References 0 publications

Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action

Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action

Riot and Nonriot Cities

Some Implications of Experimental Social Psychology for the Study of Urban Disorders

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