An Official-Languages Policy for Ontario

Cartwright, Don

doi:10.2307/3550510

Cited by 4 publications

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“…However, he was willing to play what was at the time the traditional role for Ontario as Confederation’s “honest broker” and after facing some language crises in the province itself. By the middle of the 1980 s, the Courts of Justice Act had been updated to provide that criminal trials could take place in French, and there had been an extension of the French educational services in response to the entrenchment of the Charter (Cartwright : 562).…”

Section: Ontario: a Fight For Recognitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Connecting power to protection: The political bases of language commissioners in Canada

McDougall¹

2019

Can Public Adm

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This article explores the connection between the strength of Canadian federal, provincial and territorial language regimes and the political power of the underlying language group. Although such regimes should ideally be constructed to defend languages that are vulnerable, they are more often based on the ability of a language group to organize politically to win the laws they want. Thus, many small linguistic groups, such as those in Nunavut, benefit from very strong protections given their demographic weight in the territory, while there are weaker protections for the Franco-Ontarians, who are only a small minority in their province. Ultimately power matters a great deal in Canada when it comes to linguistic protection.Sommaire : Cet article étudie le rapport de force entre les régimes linguistiques fédéraux, provinciaux et territoriaux canadiens et le pouvoir politique du groupe linguistique sous-jacent. Bien que, dans l'idéal, de tels régimes devraient être conçus pour défendre les langues vulnérables, ils sont plus souvent fondés sur la capacité d'un groupe linguistique à s'organiser politiquement afin d'obtenir les lois qu'il désire. Il en est ainsi pour de nombreux petits groupes linguistiques, comme c'est le cas au Nunavut, qui bénéficie de fortes protections compte tenu de leur importance démographique sur le territoire; par contre, les protections linguistiques sont plus faibles pour les Franco-Ontariens, qui ne représentent qu'une faible minorité dans leur province. En définitive, le pouvoir revêt une importance considérable lorsqu'il s'agit de la protection de la langue au Canada.

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Section: Ontario: a Fight For Recognitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Connecting power to protection: The political bases of language commissioners in Canada

McDougall¹

2019

Can Public Adm

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“…They recommend that minority-language schools should try to offset the constant contact with the majority culture and tongue that children receive outside schools. Where official-language minorities are not in control of schooling, this counterbalance is likely to be missing (Cartwright, 1985;Landry, Allard, & Théberge, 1991).…”

Section: Official-language Minority Educationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To increase the value placed on French in Ontario, Cartwright (1985) proposes the creation of territorial zones in northern and eastern Ontario in which both French and English would be the official languages. This proposal would increase pride in language and culture for the Franco-Ontarian minority.…”

Section: Official-language Minority Educationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although this initiative was rejected in a later Assembly of First Nations study (Jamieson, 1988), the narrowness of a "languages institute" hardly captures the potential for unity of educational purpose that the Sámi Education Council is realizing through the strength derived from the official status Sámi languages now have. As a first step in development, aboriginal languages need extensive status as official languages of Canada, within clearly defined districts, not unlike the territorial zones for Francophone Ontario proposed by Cartwright (1985).…”

Section: Conclusion: Implications For Canadamentioning

confidence: 99%

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Official-Language Minority and Aboriginal First-Language Education: Implications of Norway's Sami Language Act for Canada

Corson

1996

Canadian Journal of Education / Revue canadienne de l'éducation

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Norway has given official-language status to the languages of its aboriginal peoples, the Sámi, yet Canada has accorded that status only to English and French, the languages of the colonizers. In Norway, the 1992 legislation giving major language and cultural rights to the Sámi has had a major impact on Sámi education. This Norwegian experience has significant implications for official-language minority and aboriginal first-language education in Canada, shedding light on such important topics as minority teacher education, minority first-language pedagogy, curriculum texts, community attitudes to minority languages, language support services, school administration, devolution of control, cultural incorporation, and the maintenance of cultural identities. As a result, in this article I question the appropriateness of official policies and language practices in Canada.

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Accommodation among the anglophone minority in Quebec to official language policy: A shift in traditional patterns of language contact

Cartwright

1987

Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development

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An Official-Languages Policy for Ontario

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

Connecting power to protection: The political bases of language commissioners in Canada

Connecting power to protection: The political bases of language commissioners in Canada

Official-Language Minority and Aboriginal First-Language Education: Implications of Norway's Sami Language Act for Canada

Accommodation among the anglophone minority in Quebec to official language policy: A shift in traditional patterns of language contact

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