An Underexamined Inequality

Croft, Alyssa; Schmader, Toni; Block, Katharina

doi:10.1177/1088868314564789

Cited by 311 publications

(224 citation statements)

References 270 publications

(312 reference statements)

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“…Gendered practices and norms in public and private spheres act as barriers to men who want to take on bigger roles at home (Croft, Schmader, and Block, 2015). Moreover, these individuals may be perceived as less committed professionally because of their dedication to family responsibilities.…”

Section: Willingly Distancing From the Parental Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

When the past comes back to haunt you: The enduring influence of upbringing on the work–family decisions of professional parents

2017

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Research on work-family balance decisions generally presents them as an individual's rational choice between alternatives. The anticipatory socialisation literature highlights the role that early formative experiences play in shaping work and parenting decisions. We go further to emphasise the role of habitus -historically constituted dispositions -in workfamily balance decisions. This relational approach explores how the entrenched and historically formed dispositions of individuals interact dynamically with contextual (i.e. organizational) imperatives. Numerous studies have highlighted the difficulties of reconciling the intense demands of professional careers with family lives. Drawing on 148 interviews with 78 male and female professionals, our study looks at much deeper rooted causes of work-family conflict in professional service firms than have previously been considered. We identify four broad patterns of response to the work-family conflict: professionals may willingly reproduce their parental model, reproduce their parental model against their will, willingly distance themselves from their parental model, and distance themselves from the parental model against their will. We show that the impediments to greater equality lie not only in organizational and societal structures, but within individuals themselves in the form of historically constituted dispositions which contribute towards the maintenance and reproduction of those structures.

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Section: Willingly Distancing From the Parental Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

When the past comes back to haunt you: The enduring influence of upbringing on the work–family decisions of professional parents

2017

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“…Backlash effects and sexism ('attitudes that reinforce gender hierarchy') (Glick & Rudman, 2010) concern both women and men (cf. Karasiewicz & Kosakowska, 2008;Kosakowska-Berezecka, 2012;Rudman et al, 2012;Croft, Schmader, & Block, 2015;KosakowskaBerezecka, Korzeniewska, & Kaczorowska, 2016). Throughout history women have been both praised and punished for not being feminine enough (Eagly & Mladinic, 1989;Glick, Wilkerson, & Cuffe, 2015), and the same applies to men (Rudman & Mescher, 2013;.…”

Section: Backlash Effects Sexism and Social Rolesmentioning

confidence: 99%

"Daughter and son: a completely different story”? Gender as a moderator of the relationship between sexism and parental attitudes

Lipowska¹,

Lipowski²,

Pawlicka³

2016

Health Psychology Report

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health psychology report · volume 4(3), 6 original article background During childhood, parents are the first and most important individuals who form the base of the content of gender stereotypes in children. A parent's expectations about the extent a child's behaviour should be line with gender stereotypes also depends on the intensity of a parent's sexism. A parent's sexism may be exhibited in parental attitudes. Hence, in our study we analysed the relationship between parental ambivalent sexism and parental attitudes within dyads of mothers and fathers with a special focus on the role of the gender of both parents and children. participants and procedureTwo hundred and ninety-four couples of parents of fiveyear-olds (153 girls, 141 boys) participated. The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI) was used to measure levels of sexism, and the Parental Attitudes Scale (SPR) was used to assess parental attitudes. resultsIn terms of the profile of parental attitudes, regardless of the child's sex, mothers and fathers scored highest for inconsequent and demanding attitudes, and lowest for overprotective and autonomy attitudes. The child's sex is also not important for the overall levels of parents' sexism -fathers exhibit higher levels of hostile sexism in comparison to mothers. Only the mothers' education level is important for levels of sexism -women with higher education exhibited the lowest levels of hostile sexism. The child's sex moderates relationships between parents' sexism and parental attitudes. In the case of mothers of sons, the intensity of benevolent sexism is negatively related to overprotective and demanding attitudes. The more educated the mothers of sons, the more demanding they were. For fathers of sons, the inconsequence attitude increases under the influence of both hostile and benevolent sexism. Among fathers of daughters, hostile sexism strengthens the overprotective attitude, while levels of both benevolent and hostile sexism as well as education influence the autonomy attitude. conclusionsThe gender of both the parents and the child moderates the relationship between sexism and parental attitudes. The role of sexism in shaping the attitude of mothers towards sons is the most prominent -it seems that it guards the 'manliness' of young boys.

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“…However, to our knowledge, no research has assessed whether men's agentic perceptions about behavioral science are related to their engagement in behavioral science (see Croft et al 2015 for a discussion on the dearth of research on this topic). Also absent from this body of research is an assessment of the link between stereotypic beliefs about science fields, and actual behavioral pursuit of science fields.…”

mentioning

confidence: 98%

Gender Roles and Stereotypes about Science Careers Help Explain Women and Men’s Science Pursuits

2016

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Diverse perspectives in science promote innovation and creativity, and represent the needs of a diverse populace. However, many science fields lack gender diversity. Although fewer women than men pursue careers in physical science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (pSTEM), more women than men pursue careers in behavioral science. The current work measured the relationship between first-year college students' stereotypes about science professions and course completion in science fields over the next 3 years. pSTEM careers were more associated with self-direction and self-promotion (i.e., agency) than with working with and for the betterment of others (i.e., communion). On the flip side, behavioral science careers were associated with communion to a greater degree than with agency. Women completed a lower proportion of pSTEM courses than did men, but this gender disparity disappeared when women perceived high opportunity for communion in pSTEM. Men pursued behavioral science courses to a lesser degree than did women; this disparity did not exist when men perceived ample opportunity for agency in behavioral science. These results suggest highlighting the communal nature of pSTEM and the agentic nature of behavioral science in pre-college settings may promote greater gender diversity across science fields.Science fields in the United States are largely gendered. Although a much larger proportion of men than women pursue physical science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (pSTEM) careers, women outnumber men in behavioral science (e.g., psychology, sociology). For example, in 2012, 24 % of Bachelor's degrees and 25 % of Ph.D. s in pSTEM were awarded to women, compared to 63 % of Bachelor's degrees and 59 % of Ph.D.s awarded to women in behavioral science (National Science Foundation 2015a, b). This trend is also present in the workforce: a 2013 sample of employed scientists indicated 22 % of pSTEM scientists were women compared to 62 % in behavioral science (National Science Foundation 2015d). In biological science, however, women and men appear to be roughly at parity: 59 % of graduates with a B.S., 53 % of individuals with a Ph.D. in biological science fields, and 48 % of professionals in biological science are women (National Science Foundation 2015a, b, d).Gender disparities across science fields are suboptimal for a number of reasons. First, diversity in the workplace is known to foster innovation; a diversity of experiences and perspective-taking yields greater opportunity for creativity (Hoever et al. 2012;Leung et al. 2008;Woolley et al. 2010). Second, a homogenous set of prerogatives at the decision table leaves non-represented voices unheard so that the needs of many are ignored. For example, early voice activated systems developed by computer scientists only worked for men because women's voices were literally unheard during the development (Camp 2012;Margolis and Fisher 2002). Finally, science professions systematically differ in their level of cultural status and financial reward. Whereas ...

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An Underexamined Inequality

Cited by 311 publications

References 270 publications

When the past comes back to haunt you: The enduring influence of upbringing on the work–family decisions of professional parents

When the past comes back to haunt you: The enduring influence of upbringing on the work–family decisions of professional parents

"Daughter and son: a completely different story”? Gender as a moderator of the relationship between sexism and parental attitudes

Gender Roles and Stereotypes about Science Careers Help Explain Women and Men’s Science Pursuits

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