Analysing the Links between National Capitals and Brussels in EU Foreign Policy

Chelotti, Nicola

doi:10.1080/01402382.2013.799310

Cited by 16 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…Within national ministries, relevant decision-making tasks are performed by single officials based in the national permanent representations (PRs) in Brussels. They often enjoy some degree of autonomy in the preparation and negotiation of the policy, vis-a-vis the ministerial departments in the capital (Chelotti 2013;Cross 2011). Incidentally, this leeway opens us space for individual agency in EU politics. For instance, in a rapid decision-making environment the terms of compromises are often identified and struck by single negotiators, in individual capacity, not (necessarily) according to wellestablished and hierarchically organised sets of preferences.…”

Section: Transgovernmental Network and Social Practicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…They convey to the capital the sense of collective European opinion and suggest 'ways in which national positions can be modified in order to achieve collective results' (Howorth 2012: 447). They act so as to convince their capital to change the original national position (Chelotti 2013). …”

Section: Transgovernmental Network and Social Practicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Power has thus also an individual quality, and the individual characteristics (experience, There is no doubt that positions change repeatedly (Chelotti 2013). Yet, when questioned why or in what ways this occurs, the request did not seem to carry any real meaning to them.…”

Section: Diplomats Practices and The Micro Levelmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…41 What is the meaning they attach to autonomy? First, autonomy is associated to the input they have in negotiating their own instructions with the capital (Chelotti 2013(Chelotti , 2016. Negotiating with the capital takes 60/65% of their time, because the ministry often comes from a position which is out of tune with the Brussels-based debates.…”

Section: Diplomats Practices and The Micro Levelmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Transgovernmental networks and rationalist outputs? The partial social construction of EU foreign policy

Chelotti

2016

European Security

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EU foreign policy has gone beyond intergovernmentalism. It is largely formulated by (Brusselsbased) national officials, in a process characterised by a high number of cooperative practices, diffuse sentiments of group loyalty and possibly argumentative procedures. Yet, in many cases, the most likely output of this process reflects the lowest common denominator of states' positions or the preferences of the biggest states. The article intends to investigate this puzzle. In the first part, it corroborates its existence by using answers from an original database of 138 questionnaires and 37 interviews with EU negotiators. Next, it argues that cooperative practices remain often subordinated to nationally-oriented ways of doing things. Consequentialist practices perform an anchoring function, in that they define the parameters around which (social) practices operate. The last section looks more closely at the sites of and meanings attached to EU foreign policy-making. By discussing national diplomats' conspicuous leeway in Brussels, it also argues that negotiating practices are performed through a mix of partial agency and persistence of national dispositions. On a whole, changing practices is difficult, even in dense and largely autonomous settings such as EU foreign policy. The social construction of EU foreign policy occurs only to a partial extent.

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Section: Transgovernmental Network and Social Practicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Transgovernmental Network and Social Practicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Diplomats Practices and The Micro Levelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Diplomats Practices and The Micro Levelmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Transgovernmental networks and rationalist outputs? The partial social construction of EU foreign policy

Chelotti

2016

European Security

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“…Representatives from the NMS rarely receive detailed instructions from their capitals. Whilst this is not unusual in foreign policy (see Juncos and Pomorska, 2011;Chelotti, 2013), the NMS have additional problems in the field of development that exacerbate the problem. These include low policy staff numbers at MFAs, which means that they simply cannot react to all the issues discussed in CODEV and in many cases think it is unnecessary to do so, as no national interest is at stake.…”

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confidence: 99%

Untitled

2014

J of Common Market Studies

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The EU played an instrumental role re-starting the international development policies in Central and Eastern European member states, but questions remain about how far this policy area has been Europeanized since accession. Focusing on the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, the paper investigates why the new donors have been reluctant to adopt the EU's development acquis more fully. The paper traces the process of the EU's development policy rulemaking and subsequent national rule implementation to understand the socialization opportunities these processes offer. The conclusions reveal thrre reasons why socialization has been weak: (1) perceptions among the new member states on the development acquis' procedural legitimacy; (2) low domestic resonance with the development acquis; and (3) inconsistencies in the activities of norm entrepreneurs. The paper contributes to our understanding of development policy in the EU, in particular how decision making takes place within the Council and its Working Groups post enlargement.

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The European Union in Crisis

Demetriou¹

2015

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Analysing the Links between National Capitals and Brussels in EU Foreign Policy

Cited by 16 publications

References 34 publications

Transgovernmental networks and rationalist outputs? The partial social construction of EU foreign policy

Transgovernmental networks and rationalist outputs? The partial social construction of EU foreign policy

Untitled

The European Union in Crisis

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