Anaphora and agreement in the Turkish DP

Paparounas, Lefteris; Akkuş, Faruk

doi:10.1007/s11049-023-09583-4

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

2023

DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09583-4

|View full text |Cite

Anaphora and agreement in the Turkish DP

Lefteris Paparounas,

Faruk Akkuş

Abstract: Whether the operation Agree should be taken to underlie anaphoric binding has been the topic of much recent debate. In this paper, we provide a novel empirical argument in favor of the role of ϕ-features and Agree in binding. The argument revolves around the intimate relationship between agreement and anaphora in the Turkish nominal domain, where certain complex pronominals can agree only if they locally bind an anaphor or bound pronoun. We argue that these facts can be readily understood if ϕ-features are cru… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...

Citation Types

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Year Published

2023

2024

Publication Types

Select...

Article4

Relationship

Self Cite0

Independent4

Authors

Journals

Cited by 4 publications

References 65 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

No-Reversal Constraintand beyond

Akkuş

2024

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This study investigates various un(der)studied word-internal language mixing patterns among Turkish, Anatolian Arabic and Northern Kurdish, in the context of both verbal and nominal domains. The examination of these patterns reveals various theoretical implications. First, head-directionality may change as a result of language contact. Second, in some instances, certain functional categories are borrowed as semantically vacuous heads, and are identical to their bare counterparts (cf. Marantz 2013; Anagnostopoulou and Samioti 2014). Therefore, such semantically empty heads are ignored for meaning. Moreover, informed by the rarely-discussed trilingual language-mixing contexts, the study demonstrates that various formal approaches to code-switching which rely on either a distinction between functional vs lexical categories or phasehood as the defining constraint on code-switching are not tenable (e.g., Poplack 1981; Belazi et al. 1994; López et al. 2017). This study demonstrates language mixing is more permissive for the languages in question than would be predicted by these approaches, and proposes the No-Reversal Constraint, whose governing restriction is that code-switching does not allow a switch back to a language that has already been externalized earlier in the derivation.

show abstract

No-Reversal Constraintand beyond

Akkuş

2024

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

The syntax of Greek split reciprocals

Paparounas,

Salzmann

2024

Syntax

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

We provide the first detailed description and analysis of the syntax of the understudied Greek split reciprocal reconstruction. As in other languages, the reciprocal appears to be bipartite consisting of a quantificational distributor (‘the one’) and a reciprocator (‘the other’). We show that, in Greek, this bipartiteness runs deep: the two parts are syntactically independent, with the reciprocator having the syntax of a Condition A anaphor, and the distributor behaving as a floating quantifier. Once we turn to how these elements establish relations between themselves and their antecedent, we find that Greek reciprocals resist a movement‐ or Agree‐based analysis, since both elements can occur in positions inaccessible to movement/Agree. Given that the reciprocator can occur in embedded subject position, the Greek data also argue against recent attempts to reduce the binding domain to phases, instead supporting a more traditional definition of the binding domain in terms of the smallest XP containing the anaphor and a subject. Finally, we show that the morphosyntactic properties of the bipartite construction can be connected to independent properties of its two component parts and that these can, in turn, be related to interpretive aspects of reciprocity.

show abstract

Hybrid agreement with English quantifier partitives

Messick

2023

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper presents a novel case study of a 3/4 agreement pattern typically found with hybrid nouns. This case study involves agreement and binding with Quantified NPs in English. I propose an analysis that relies on different classes of agreement targets agreeing at different times and couple this with a condition on the access to semantic agreement features. This new analysis can account for the novel data presented here as well as the data from the literature. This paper hence broadens both our empirical knowledge of 3/4 patterns as well as refines our theory of features and agreement that underlie such patterns.

show abstract

scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.

Contact Info

customersupport@researchsolutions.com

10624 S. Eastern Ave., Ste. A-614

Henderson, NV 89052, USA

This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.

Blog Terms and Conditions API Terms Privacy Policy Contact Cookie Preferences Do Not Sell or Share My Personal Information

Made with 💙 for researchers

Part of the Research Solutions Family.

Anaphora and agreement in the Turkish DP

Cited by 4 publications

References 65 publications

No-Reversal Constraintand beyond

No-Reversal Constraintand beyond

The syntax of Greek split reciprocals

Hybrid agreement with English quantifier partitives

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About